Books, Manuscripts and Music from Medieval to Modern

Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart Friedrich Schlichtegroll, Nekrolog auf das Jahr 1791. Enthaltend Nachrichten von dem Leben merkwürdiger in diesem Jahre verstorbener Personen...Zweytes Jahr. Erster [...Zweyter] Band, Gotha: bey Justus Perthes, 1792-1793, THE FIRST EDITION OF THE FIRST SUBSTANTIAL OBITUARY OF MOZART 2 volumes in one, 375 and 388 pages, 8vo (c.15.7 x 9.5cm), dedication, prefaces, index at end, ownership inscriptions to front endpaper, red edges, gilt label to spine, contemporary half calf, some very slight damp-staining to margins of a few leaves in second volume, covers rubbed, wear to label on spine RARE. We have no record of this volume appearing at auction during the last decade. Schlichtegroll's important obituary of Mozart, contained in the second volume between pp.82 and 112, is the first substantial biographical essay on the composer and was based largely on the testimonies of the Salzburg Court Trumpeter J.A. Schachtner and Mozart's sister Nannerl.

View 1 of Lot 29: W.A. Mozart. First edition of the first substantial obituary of Mozart, 1792

w.a. mozart. first edition of the first substantial obituary of mozart, 1792

Collection of a Connoisseur: History in Manuscript, Part 2

Dreyfus, Alfred and Lucie A joint autograph letter signed by both Alfred and his wife Lucie ("L Dreyfus" and "ADreyfus"), to Madame Laurens ("Chère Madame et Amie"), 23 December 1899 a letter of thanks to Madame Laurens and her husband for the gift of a picture, evidently painted by Monsieur Laurens, which represents the countryside where they rediscovered happiness, begging Madame Laurens to pass on their thanks to her husband; in the second half of their letter, Alfred describes the picture as a testimony of "hearts which are friendly and sympathetic", symbols of a period of happiness and renewal, assuring her of his love for the countryside depicted in the painting and his resolve to visit them and express his admiration to Monsieur Laurens in person 4 pages, 8vo, 23 December 1899, with envelope addressed in Lucie Dreyfus's hand in 1894 Captain Alfred Dreyfus (1859-1935), a Jew, was accused of passing secrets to the Germans, in the form of a handwritten memorandum found in the German Embassy. Dreyfus was sentenced to life imprisonment on Devil's Island in 1895. Despite wilful obstruction by the Army, an examination of the handwriting in question exonerated Dreyfus. The attempted cover-up by the army led to Emile Zola's famous article "J'accuse" (1898) in support of Dreyfus, who was brought back to France to face his second court martial in August and September 1899. He was again found guilty, but with "extenuating circumstances", and was pardoned. Although depressed because his conviction had not been quashed, the devotion of family and friends like the Laurens helped him regain his equilibrium.

View 1 of Lot 28: Alfred Dreyfus | A joint autograph letter signed by both Alfred and his wife ("L Dreyfus" and A.Dreyfus"), 23 December 1899

alfred dreyfus | a joint autograph letter signed by both alfred and his wife ("l dreyfus" and a.dreyfus"), 23 december 1899

The Passion of American Collectors: Property of Barbara and Ira Lipman | Highly Important Printed and Manuscript Americana 

Jefferson, Thomas Autograph letter signed ("Th: Jefferson") as a Virginia delegate to the Congress of the Confederation, to François-Jean de Beauvoir, Marquis de Chastellux, communicating the official ratification of the Treaty of Paris, the state of the new nation, and the forthcoming publication of his Notes on the State of Virginia 2 pages (226 x 189 mm) on a bifolium (watermarked posthorn gr), Annapolis, 16 January 1784. Half blue morocco slipcase, chemise. Lord Cornwallis's surrender at Yorktown may have ended active hostilities between Great Britain and her American colonies, but it wasn't until the Treaty of Paris was signed and ratified almost three years later that the sovereignty of the United States would be acknowledged. Jefferson here shares news of the ratification with one of the new nation's most important allies, the Marquis de Chastellux, the principal liaison officer between the Comte de Rochambeau, commander-in-chief of the French Expeditionary Force, and George Washington. "Lt. Colo. Franks being appointed to carry to Paris one of the copies of our ratification of the Definitive treaty, and being to depart in the instant of his appointment, furnishes me a hasty opportunity of obtruding myself on your recollection. should this prove troublesome, you must take the blame, as having exposed yourself to my esteem by letting me become acquainted with your merit." (David Franks, who carried this letter to Paris, as well as a certified copy of the peace treaty to Benjamin Franklin, had excellent French and so was assigned as liaison officer to the Comte d'Estaing. Later he was an aide-de-camp to Benedict Arnold when Arnold schemed to turn West Point over to the British. Despite being exonerated by a court-martial convened at his request, Franks was dogged by rumors of disloyalty and he was eventually forced out of the diplomatic corps in 1786.) Jefferson quickly transitions to an appraisal of the state of the nascent country, which was intended to project a sense of stability and counter "European accounts of the anarchy and opposition to government in America." While Jefferson admits to a few incidents of unrest, he attributes those to financial issues stemming from the prosecution of the war. "Our transactions on this side the water must now have become uninteresting to the rest of the world. we are busy however among ourselves endeavouring to get our new governments into regular & concerted motion. for this purpose I beleive we shall find some additions requisite to our Confederation. as yet every thing has gone smoothly since the war. we are diverted with the European accounts of the anarchy and opposition to government in America. nothing can be more untrue than these relations. there was indeed some dissatisfaction in the army at not being paid off before they were disbanded: and a very trifling mutiny of 200 souldiers in Philadelphia. on the latter occasion Congress left that place, disgusted with the pusillanimity of the government and not from any want of security to their own persons. the indignation which the other states felt at this insult to their delegates, has enlisted them more warmly in support of Congress: and the people, the legislature and the Executive themselves of Pennsylvania have made the most satisfactory atonements. some people also of warm blood undertook to resolve as committees for proscribing the refugees. but they were few, scattered here & there through the several states, were absolutely unnoticed by those both in & out of power, and never expressed an idea of not acquiescing ultimately under the decisions of their governments. the greatest difficulty we find is to get money from them. the reason is not founded in their unwillingness but in their real inability. you were a witness to the total destruction of our commerce, devastation of our country, and absence of the precious metals. it cannot be expected that these should flow in but through the channels of commerce, or that these channels can be opened in the first instant of peace. time is requisite to avail ourselves of the productions of the earth, and the first of these will be applied to renew our stock of those necessaries of which we had been totally exhausted." Claiming to have written "enough of America, it’s politics, & poverty," Jefferson tells Chastellux that he is "in daily hopes of seeing something from your pen which may portray us to ourselves." (He would, in fact, later that year read an unofficial and incomplete version of Voyage de M. le Marquis de Chastellux dans l’Amérique Septentrionale dans les années 1780, 1781 & 1782, which would not be fully published until 1786.) This topic naturally brought Jefferson to a discussion of his own Notes on the State of Virginia, which was initially written in response to a series of questions sent, in 1781, to various members of the Continental Congress by François Barbé-Marbois, then secretary to the French legation at Philadelphia. Jefferson here reveals that he has greatly expanded his treatise and plans to have it printed: "I must caution you to distrust information from my answers to the queries of Monsr. de Marbois. I have lately had a little leisure to revise them. I found some things should be omitted, many corrected, & more supplied & enlarged. they are swelled nearly to treble bulk. being now too much for manuscript copies I think the ensuing spring to print a dozen or twenty copies to be given to my friends, not suffering another to go out. as I have presumed to place you in that number I shall take the liberty of sending you a copy as a testimony of the sincere esteem and affection with which I have the honour to be Dr Sir Your most obediant & most humble servt." The first privately printed edition of the Notes would be issued in 200 copies from the Paris press of Philippe-Denis Pierres in early 1785, when Jefferson had joined Benjamin Franklin and John Adams as a Minister Plenipotentiary for Negotiating Treaties of Amity and Commerce. Correspondence from June 1785 confirms that Jefferson sent, and Chastellux received, a presentation copy of Notes on the State of Virginia, but the current location of the copy is not known. A fascinating and discursive letter by Jefferson, one of a concerted series of missives from the period "in which he endeavored by private communications to influence opinion of America abroad" (Papers). PROVENANCE François-Jean de Beauvoir, Marquis de Chastellux, by descent (discreet blindstamp of the Archives de Chastellux) to — Comte Louis de Chastellux (Christie's New York, 14 December 2016, lot 360) REFERENCE Celebration of My Country 101; The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Boyd, 6:466–467 (text from a draft in the Missouri Historical Society, with many variations from the sent letter in wording, punctuation, spelling, capitalization, and paragraphing)

View 1 of Lot 265: Jefferson, Thomas | A significant letter in which Jefferson promotes the image of a stable and unified America to a key French ally

jefferson, thomas | a significant letter in which jefferson promotes the image of a stable and unified america to a key french ally

De la précieuse bibliothèque Jorge Ortiz Linares

Racine, Jean Lettre autographe adressée au Maréchal de Luxembourg Marly, le 4e d’août [1693] LETTRE PLEINE D’ADMIRATION DE RACINE AU MARÉCHAL DE LUXEMBOURG DONT LA GLOIRE RESPLENDIT À MARLY APRÈS SA VICTOIRE. REMARQUABLE TÉMOIGNAGE SUR LA COUR DU ROI-SOLEIL. LES DRAPEAUX PRIS À L’ENNEMI EXPOSÉS À MARLY : “ON A DÉPLOYÉ (...) LES DRAPEAUX ET LES ÉTENDARDS QUI ONT COUVERT TOUT LE PAVÉ DU GRAND SALON” . UNE DES TROIS LETTRES DE RACINE AU MARÉCHAL DE LUXEMBOURG QUE L'ON CROYAIT PERDUES. Chacune des lettres est vendue séparément (voir aussi lots 76 et 77). 3 pp. in-4 (238x180mm), encre brune, avec suscription autographe de Jean RACINE : ﻿“à Monseigneur, Monseigneur le duc de Luxembourg” “Voici un billet que Madame de Maintenon m’a écrit ce matin. J’ai cru, Monseigneur, que je ne pouvais mieux faire que de vous l’envoyer. Vous y verrez à quel point elle est touchée des grandes choses que vous avez faites, et en même temps jusqu’où son inquiétude va pour les affaires d’Allemagne. Je puis vous assurer que toutes ses paroles se rapportent fort à son billet. Et je sais de bonne part qu’aujourd’hui à Saint-Germain, où elle a passé l’après-dînée, elle a parlé de votre victoire comme de la plus grande action qui se soit faite de tout le règne du Roi. Nous en ignorions assurément plus de la moitié quand je vous écrivis avant-hier, et la modestie de M. d’Artagnan, de concert sans doute avec la vôtre, avait laissé une belle matière au second courrier pour se faire écouter avec plaisir. M. d’Albergotti1 est arrivé comme le Roy allait à la messe. Il vous dira quel accueil on lui a fait et la peine qu’il a eue pour se dérober à l’empressement de tout le monde. Heureusement Marly était aujourd’hui ouvert au public et il était plein. Le Nonce2 et tous les autres Ministres étrangers s’y sont trouvés ; on a déployé devant eux les drapeaux et les étendards, qui ont couvert tout le pavé du grand salon. Mais on avait pas besoin des marques de votre victoire. Les lettres de tous les particuliers de votre armée et surtout les lettres de Bruxelles, et le courrier de Bruxelles même, que le Roi avait entretenu à son lever, ont causé à tout le monde des transports et des ravissements incroyables. Nous avons mené, l’après-dînée, M. d’Albergotti dans sa chambre, et là, il nous a expliqué sur un plan, à M. l’abbé de Saillans, M. de Cavoye et à moi, toutes les circonstances de cette prodigieuse action. Il nous a même confié des particularités qui font bien voir qu’après Dieu, comme on dit, vous ne devez votre gloire qu’à vous seul. On a été un peu étonné ici que vous n’ayez point fait de relation. Et, pour moi, j’ai même admiré votre silence. Outre que vous pouvez fort à votre aise vous confier à la voix publique, j’ai fait remarquer à vos amis que vous vous étiez vengé très justement de toutes les affaires impertinentes qu’on voulut vous faire l’année passée, sur ce que des gens, disait-on, étaient trop loués et sur ce que d’autres ne l’étaient pas assez. Enfin, Monseigneur, tout paraît grand dans votre conduite. Je ne vous parle point de la lettre que vous avez écrite à votre ami, qui n’a été vue que de trois seules personnes à qui vous avez souhaité qu’elle fût montrée. Que de nouveaux sujets nous y avons trouvés de vous admirer ! Nous étions forcés de nous écrier à chaque ligne : quel homme, quel courage, quelle grandeur d’âme, et en même temps quelle tendresse et quelle attention pour ses amis ! L’un des trois entre autres — et vous jugez bien qui il est — avait à tout moment les larmes aux yeux et pleurait de joie, d’amitié et de reconnaissance. Mais, Monseigneur, nous vous entretiendrons de tout cela à votre retour. J’ai donné ce soir à M. de Beauvilliers3 la lettre que vous lui avez écrite et celle que vous écrivez à M. l’abbé de Fénelon (...) Comme M. d’Albergotti avait été extrêmement mouillé en arrivant, la première enveloppe s’est trouvée toute déchirée (...). Je n’abuserai pas davantage de votre temps. Aussi bien je suis en vérité honteux d’écrire, après la lettre que j’ai vue aujourd’hui de vous. Je ne crois pas que de ma vie j’aie rien vu qui m’ait tant humilié ! Il n’y avait pas un mot qui ne fût plein de sens, et qui n’allât au cœur. Croyez-moi, Monseigneur, je ne suis point un fade exagérateur. Vous êtes maintenant au-dessus des exagérations. Du reste je suis obligé de vous dire que M. d’Artagnan a parlé de vous au Roi d’une manière qui a fait beaucoup de plaisir à vos serviteurs. Le pauvre M. de La Vienne4, à qui j’ai aussi rendu votre lettre, m’en parlait tout à l’heure, et était transporté de tout ce qu’il lui avait entendu dire à Sa Majesté. Je prie Dieu que les nouvelles qui apparemment viendront aujourd’hui d’Allemagne n’interrompent point la joie publique et qu’elles répondent à nos espérances. François comte Albergotti (1654-1717), noble florentin au service de la France et proche du maréchal de Luxembourg 2. Giovanni Giacomo Cavallerini (1639-1699), futur cardinal 3. Paul de Beauvilliers duc de Saint-Aignan (1648-1714), ministre et Gouverneur du duc de Bourgogne, ami de Fénelon et de Saint-Simon 4. François Quentin de La Vienne, marquis de Champcenetz (1630-1710), premier valet de chambre du Roi PROVENANCE : archives du maréchal de Luxembourg (note au verso du dernier feuillet : Mr Racine à M. de Montmorency. Je les crois de 93) — Antoine Eugène Minoret (1816-1891) — marquis de Rochambeau (vente, 1948, n° 186, selon une note jointe par le collectionneur) JOINT : l.a.s. de Giovanni CAVALLERINI au maréchal de Luxembourg, Paris, 5 août 1693, 4 pp. in-folio et in-4, encres noires et brunes, avec sa traduction en français par une main non identifiée “dans le combat arrrivé le 29 du mois passé”... — l.a. de Chrétien de Lamoignon de MALESHERBES à Étienne Lauréault de Foncemagne, Paris, 28 juin [?], 2 pp. in-8, encre brune : “je crois, Monsieur, que c’est vous qui m’avez dit qu’après l’exhumation de Port-Royal, que les pierres ont été vendues (...) l’épitaphe de Racine a passé à un curé”... — l.a. de Jean-Baptiste COLBERT de SEIGNELAY au maréchal de Luxembourg : Versailles, 16 mai [vers 1693-1694], 3 pp. in-8, encre noire : “je suis ravi”... BIBLIOGRAPHIE Jean Racine, Correspondance, éd. J. Lesaulnier, Paris, 2017, n° 139, la lettre est par erreur située à Paris mais elle est bien écrite de Marly par Racine — A. E. Minoret, Trois lettres inédites de Jean Racine (1693), Paris, 1884 Letter full of Racine’s admiration for Maréchal de Luxembourg whose glory shone in Marly after his victory. Remarkable testimony to the court of the Sun King. The flags taken from the enemy exhibited at Marly: “we displayed (...) the flags and the standards which covered the whole floor of the large living room”. One of the three letters from Racine to Maréchal de Luxembourg: astonishing discovery of the letters that were thought to be lost. Carta llena de admiración de Racine al Mariscal de Luxemburgo cuya gloria resplandeció en Marly tras su victoria. Testimonio notable de la corte del Rey Sol. Las banderas requisadas al enemigo, expuestas en Marly: “on a deployé(…)les drapeaus et les étendards qui ont couvert tout le pavé du grand salon” (hemos desplegado(…) las banderas y los estandartes que han cubierto todo el pavimento del gran salón). Una de las tres cartas de Racine al Mariscal de Luxemburgo: curioso redescubrimiento de las cartas que creíamos perdidas.

View 1 of Lot 78:  Lettre autographe adressée au Maréchal de Luxembourg. Marly, le 4e d'août [1693]

lettre autographe adressée au maréchal de luxembourg. marly, le 4e d'août [1693]

American Manuscripts & other Property from the Collection of Elsie and Philip Sang

ULYSSES S. GRANT MANUSCRIPT DOCUMENT SIGNED ("U. S. GRANT") AS EIGHTEENTH PRESIDENT, PARDONING THREE ELECTION INSPECTORS FOR "ILLEGALLY REGISTERING CERTAIN PERSONS TO VOTE" 2 pages (15 1/2 x 10 3/4 in.; 394 x 272 mm) on a bifolium of wove paper, Washington, 3 March 1874, countersigned by the Secretary of State ("Hamilton Fish"), embossed paper seal of the United States; some marginal chipping and repair, some fold separations and repair. Forty-eight years before the adoption of the Nineteenth Amendment granted women the right to vote in the United States, women's suffrage leader Susan B. Anthony and fourteen other women voted in Rochester's 8th Ward in 1872. Anthony, at least, voted for Grant (who she had visited at the White House) and Republican congressional candidates. The women voted in order to test the application of the Fourteenth Amendment, which guaranteed all citizens "equal protection of the laws." One of the election inspectors, Beverly Jones, later testified that when he was approached by Anthony, "I made the remark that I didn’t think we could register her name. She asked me upon what grounds. I told her that the constitution of the State of New York only gave the right of franchise to male citizens. She asked me if I was acquainted with the 14th amendment to the constitution of the U.S. I told her I was. … She wanted to know if under that she was a citizen and had a right to vote. At this time, Mr. Warner [the Supervisor of Elections] said, 'young man, how are you going to get around that. I think you will have to register their names'—or something to that effect." Anthony and her compatriots were indeed registered and allowed to cast their ballots, but she was subsequently arrested. Tried and convicted of voting illegally, Anthony was fined $100 and court costs. She famously refused to pay the fine, maintaining that she had done nothing wrong, and the efforts to collect it were eventually dropped. (Anthony also called her trial "the greatest judicial outrage history has ever recorded.") But Anthony was not the only participant in this episode to face legal consequences: Jones and two other inspectors were convicted of registering illegal voters and each fined $25. Unlike Anthony, these three men fought their convictions, and with the intervention of Senator Aaron Augustus Sargent of California—who first 1878—introduced the text of what would become the Nineteenth Amendment in, they were pardoned by President Grant, as the present document attests: "Whereas, at the June Term, 1873, of the United States Circuit Court for the Northern District of New York, one Beverly W. Jones, one Edwin T. Marsh and one William B. Hall were convicted of illegally registering certain persons as voters, and receiving their votes, and were sentenced each to pay a fine of twenty-five dollars;— "And whereas, the Honorable A. A. Sargent asks that they be pardoned, in view of the peculiar circumstances of their offence:— "Now, therefore, be it known, that I, Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States of America, in consideration of the premises, divers other good and sufficient reasons me thereunto moving, do hereby grant to the said Beverly W. Jones, Edwin T. Marsh and William B. Hall, a full and unconditional pardon. "In testimony whereof, I have hereunto signed my name and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed." Susan B. Anthony herself did not receive a presidential pardon until earlier this year, when President Trump issued a pardon on the centennial of the Nineteenth Amendment.

ulysses s. grant | president grant pardons the three rochester, new york, election officials who allowed susan b. anthony to vote in the 1872 presidential election

Important Judaica

SIDDUR (DAILY PRAYER BOOK) USED BY THE SATMAR REBBE, RABBI JOEL TEITELBAUM, IN THE BERGEN-BELSEN CONCENTRATION CAMP IN 1944

SIDDUR (DAILY PRAYER BOOK) USED BY THE SATMAR REBBE, RABBI JOEL TEITELBAUM, IN THE BERGEN-BELSEN CONCENTRATION CAMP IN 1944 658 of 668 pages (8 1/4 x 5 3/4 in.; 208 x 145 mm) on paper (pagination: [16], ii, 36, 5-464, [24], 80, 40). Gilt-tooled morocco featuring name and place of owner (Simeon / Németi / Nyíregyháza) on upper board and year ([5]693) on lower board, bumped, scratched, and heavily worn; upper board nearly completely detached from spine and lower board detached at head; spine in five compartments with raised bands, the words siddur lettered in gilt in one of them and tefillah yesharah ve-keter nehora in another; contemporary patterned paper flyleaves and pastedowns. Accompanied by a letter on paper, comprising the Satmar Rebbe’s testimony about the provenance of the siddur. A rare relic bearing witness to the Satmar Rebbe’s religious devotion during some of the darkest days of World War II. Joel Teitelbaum was born in 1887, the youngest child of Hannah and Hananiah Yom Tov Lipa Teitelbaum, the latter of whom was a rabbi, yeshiva dean, and Hasidic rebbe in Máramarossziget (Yiddish: Siget). Upon his father’s passing in 1904, Joel’s older brother Hayyim Zevi succeeded to the rabbinate of Siget, while Joel and his new wife Eve Horowitz moved in with his wife’s family. Joel went on to hold rabbinic posts in Irshava and the Hasidic stronghold of Carei before eventually, in 1934, taking up the position of rabbi of Szatmárnémeti (Yiddish: Satmar), where he garnered a large, devoted following and established himself as one of the most influential ultra-Orthodox leaders in Romania and Hungary. During the war years, Rabbi Teitelbaum remained for the most part in Satmar, but when the Nazis occupied Hungary in March 1944, close associates of his sought to smuggle him out to safety in Romania via Kolozsvár (present-day Cluj-Napoca). A botched escape attempt, however, landed him, his second wife (Faiga Schapiro), and several others in the Kolozsvár Ghetto, where he met Dr. József Fischer, president of the National Jewish Party in Transylvania and the father-in-law of Rezső (Rudolf; Hebrew: Israel) Kasztner. The latter was a leader of the Zionist movement and a member of the Budapest Relief and Rescue Committee, in which capacity he participated in high-level negotiations with Adolf Eichmann and his henchmen to transport a select number of Hungarian Jews to safety in exchange for hefty bribes. Apparently at Fischer’s request, Rabbi Teitelbaum, his wife, and his personal assistant (Ephraim Joseph Dov Ashkenazi) were granted seats on the famous Kasztner train, which left Kolozsvár on June 9, 1944, with 388 Jews aboard. After stops in Budapest, Bratislava, Vienna, and Linz, the addition of about 1,300 more passengers, and further negotiations with the Germans, the train was nevertheless diverted to the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp near Hanover, arriving on July 9. Conditions in the so-called “Hungarian camp,” a subsection of the larger complex, were much better than those in other Nazi camps, which meant that inmates could, among other things, keep some of their personal effects. Two of these inmates were the brothers Gyula (Julius; Hebrew: David Israel) and Laszlo (Hebrew: Abraham Jacob) Németi, sons of Sándor (Alexander; Hebrew: Simeon) Németi. The elder Németi, a native of Nyírmeggyes, became a prominent lay leader in the community of Nyíregyháza (Yiddish: Niredhaz), a member of the Central Bureau of the Autonomous Orthodox Jewish Communities in Hungary, a member of the central committee of Kolel Shomre Hachomoth, and a devoted Hasid and trusted confidant of Rabbi Teitelbaum’s. In 1933, Rabbi Teitelbaum gave Németi his personal copy of Seder tefillah yesharah ve-keter nehora ha-shalem (Przemyśl: Symcha Freund, 1927-1929) as a gift. This prayer book, the original edition of which was printed in Berdychiv in 1891 or 1897 (based on an earlier version that appeared in Radyvýliv in 1820) and thereafter known as the “Berditchever siddur,” was a favorite of Rabbi Teitelbaum’s: a postwar account by Rabbi Shmuel Brach, one of the rebbe’s personal attendants, records that Rabbi Teitelbaum would pray from a copy of the Berditchever siddur with great passion and spiritual ecstasy each morning and would also make sure to consult its Keter nehora commentary (by Rabbi Aaron ben Zevi Hirsch ha-Kohen of Opatów). Moreover, the book was reprinted in Satmar in 1942—in the midst of the war—with Rabbi Teitelbaum’s approbation, in which he noted that in general it was not his practice to issue such imprimaturs, “but here I agree and declare that it is correct and appropriate to print this siddur with the aforementioned commentary, since it has already achieved acceptance among the God-fearing Orthodox […] and my father, my master and teacher, of blessed memory, also prayed from this siddur with the aforementioned commentary.” In late May 1944, Sándor Németi and his wife Rachel (nee Roth) were deported to Auschwitz, where they, like so many other Hungarian Jews, were murdered. However, their sons Gyula and Laszlo made it onto the Kasztner transport, the former bringing with him the precious prayer book he had inherited from his father. This in itself would have been relatively unremarkable, but then, once they arrived in Bergen-Belsen, something extraordinary happened: according to Németi family testimony, the Satmar Rebbe happened to notice Sándor’s siddur—the same one that he himself had owned only eleven or so years prior—in Gyula’s possession. Because the rebbe had no prayer book of his own in the camp, he asked Gyula to borrow it; the latter naturally agreed, though on condition that the rebbe return it to him upon their liberation. Several survivor accounts attest that the rebbe spent much of his time at Bergen-Belsen in plaintive prayer, pouring out his soul and petitioning the Creator for mercy and salvation. This was particularly clearly on display during the High Holidays, when the rebbe blew a shofar smuggled in from the Dutch part of the camp on Rosh Hashanah and led the musaf service on Yom Kippur. Many of his fellow inmates were heartened and inspired by the sight of this holy man, whose faith and religious devotion remained intact even under such trying circumstances. Finally, in early December, the rebbe and about 1,350 fellow prisoners boarded a train headed for Switzerland. They arrived early in the morning on Thursday, December 7, corresponding to 21 Kislev, a day celebrated by Satmar Hasidim down to the present as yom ha-hatsalah ve-ha-shiharur (the day of salvation and liberation). The former inmates stopped first in St. Gallen and then traveled on to Caux, a village that is today part of the Montreux municipality. As promised, Rabbi Teitelbaum returned the siddur to Gyula Németi, for whom it not only represented an invaluable inheritance from his martyred father but also a point of connection to the revered Satmar Rebbe. While Rabbi Teitelbaum eventually relocated first to Jerusalem and then to New York, where he successfully reestablished his Hasidic court and built it up to become one of the largest in the world, Németi apparently stayed in Montreux, marrying Charlotte Guttmann (nee Kornfein), a widow with two children, in 1949. (His brother Laszlo settled in Salzburg and another brother, Tuvyah, is buried on the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem.) About a decade later, on a return journey from a visit to Israel, Rabbi Teitelbaum stopped at the spa located near the Swiss municipalities Tarasp and Scuol (Schuls). He was met there by Gyula Németi, who requested that the rebbe record for posterity the gift he had made to Németi’s father. The following is an excerpt from the letter Rabbi Teitelbaum wrote on Wednesday, 29 Av [5]719 (September 2, 1959): “[Let this letter serve] as proof in the hand of its bearer, the honorable, learned Mr. David Israel Németi, may his light shine—son of my friend, the honorable, learned benefactor and illustrious activist involved in charity and good works, Mr. Simeon Németi, of blessed memory, lay leader of the Holy Community of Niredhaz, may their Rock and Redeemer keep them, who was martyred in the year of the Holocaust [5]704 [1944], may God avenge his blood—that I gifted his aforementioned departed father this siddur as a memento.” Surely, the many prayers intoned by the rebbe with much fervor and intentionality from the present siddur during that period of personal and national crisis—coupled with the book’s poignant ownership history—imbue it with great sanctity and simultaneously testify to the resilience of the Jewish spirit in the face of crushing adversity. Provenance 1. Rabbi Joel Teitelbaum 2. Sándor Németi 3. Gyula Németi 4. Thence by descent among relatives living in Israel Literature Anon., Ha-ne’eman: bit’on hit’ahdut hanikhei ha-yeshivot 9,4 (77) (1957): 2. Anon., “The Rescued,” Kasztner Memorial, available at: https://www.kasztnermemorial.com/a.html. Hershl Friedman, Seyfer meyafeyle le-oyr godl: neys hatsole fun reben zy”a 21 kisleyv [5]705 lepak (Kiryas Joel: Di Idishe Pene, 2001), 546-549. Solomon Jacob Gelbman, Sefer moshi‘an shel yisra’el, vol. 8 (Kiryas Joel: S. Gelbman, 2004), 251-253, 292, 301 n. 106, 345-346. Zevi Ze’ev Wolf Goldberger, Sefer alef ze‘ira al ha-torah (Beregszász: Samuel Klein, 1929), 40a. Motti Inbari, “How Did the Satmar Rebbe Survive the Holocaust?” The Times of Israel Blog (January 23, 2018), available at: https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/how-did-the-satmar-rebbe-survive-the-holocaust/. Chaim Levi, “Dem rebens sider in bergen belzen,” Der yid (December 13, 2019): 16-19. S.Y.R., “Bay di ershte sudes hoydoe—21 kisleyv shnas [5]705,” Der yid (December 15, 1995): 28. Joseph Rapp, Sefer yosef lekah: ketubbot (Jerusalem: Ma‘yan ha-Hokhmah, 1970), introductory sponsorship pages. Zsigmond Schwartz, “Kunteres anshei ha-shem,” in Shem ha-gedolim he-hadash (me-erets hagar) (Kleinwardein: Or Torah, 1935), 362 (no. 9), 365 (no. 38). Moses ben Simeon Sofer, Sefer yad sofer, ed. Johanan Sofer, vol. 1 (Budapest: Ha-Ahim Gewirtz, 1949), introductory sponsorship pages. Joel Teitelbaum, Sefer divrei yo’el: mikhtavim: kovets mikhtevei kodesh be-inyanim shonim, ed. Ephraim Joseph Dov Ashkenazi, 2 vols. (Brooklyn: Jerusalem Book Store Inc., 1980), 1:30-31 (no. 22), 2:104-105 (no. 106). Joel Teitelbaum, Sefer iggerot maharit, ed. Abraham David Glick (Kiryas Joel: Mazzal, 2001), 120 with n. 1 (no. 126).

siddur (daily prayer book) used by the satmar rebbe, rabbi joel teitelbaum, in the bergen-belsen concentration camp in 1944

Antiquarian Books and Manuscripts

Property from the Collection of Carlos Alberto Cruz

Property from the Collection of Carlos Alberto Cruz Martínez Calderón, Juan Alonso Epitome de las historias de la gran casa de Guzman y de las progenies reales que la procrean... [Madrid], 1638 2 volumes, folio (410 x 280mm.), manuscript on paper in several different hands, approximately 620 leaves, with an historiated title-page, ink portrait of the author, numerous ink portraits and elaborate diagrams of family trees (some double-page), contemporary calf gilt, in conservation boxes, slight worming, occasional show-through of ink, a few leaves becoming detached, bindings worn This monumental manuscript account of the house of Guzmán, commissioned by Don Gaspar de Guzmán, Count Duke of Olivares (1587-1645), the favourite of Philip IV, and written by the notary and professor of law Martínez Calderón, whose portrait appears at the start of the work, stretches from "Neomeno (Nominoe?) king of Brittany" to the Count Duke, both of whom appear on the decorative title-page. The Bolognese scholar Virgilio Malvezzi was invited to Madrid by Olivares to be historiador oficial at court and as the author of another flattering portrait of Olivares (Ritratto del privato politico christiano, 1635), it is quite likely that he played a significant part in the creation of this manuscript. It is certainly testimony to Olivares' desire for self-glorification and provides our main source for information about his early life. Another manuscript copy of this text is in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, MS 2256 (in three volumes, digitised), seemingly written by the same scribes and with the same historiated title-page (also dated 1638), but plausibly a working copy whereas the present manuscript appears to be a fair copy. Although never published, the presence of a privilege (dated 1640) in the Madrid copy indicates that it was destined for publication. By 1640 Olivares was close to his fall from grace and he died in 1645. LITERATURE: Mark P. McDonald, "A genealogy for the Count Duke of Olivares", Print Quarterly 23 (2006), 359-382, including many illustrations and providing an appendix with a detailed description of the contents and differences between this manuscript and the Madrid one PROVENANCE: Duque de Cadaval, ink stamp and inscription (the first duque de Cadaval was Nuño Alvares Pereira de Melo, 1638-1725)

View 1 of Lot 179: Martínez Calderón, Epitome de las historias de la gran casa de Guzman, manuscript dated 1638, 2 volumes

martínez calderón, epitome de las historias de la gran casa de guzman, manuscript dated 1638, 2 volumes

The Library of Henry Rogers Broughton, 2nd Baron Fairhaven Part I

William Roxburgh Plants of the Coast of Coromandel; selected from drawings and descriptions, presented to the Hon. Court of Directors of the East India Company. London: W. Bulmer and Co., 1795-1819 FIRST EDITION, 3 volumes, folio (584 x 449 mm.), 300 hand-coloured engraved plates by Mackenzie, Sansom, Peake, Weddell and Girtin after drawings by unknown Indian artists, modern green half morocco by Zaehnsdorf, spine with raised bands in six compartments, leaves uncut, scattered spotting and browning AN ACCLAIMED WORK BY THE 'COMPANY SCHOOL' OF INDIAN BOTANY. This most celebrated work by the Scottish surgeon and botanist William Roxburgh (1751-1815) brought Indian botanical art to Britain, and is a testimony to a life dedicated to studying and recording Indian flora. Roxburgh moved to the Carnatic Region of India in 1781 and commenced a period of intensive botanical studies and experimentation. A team of native artists executed thousands of illustrations during his tenures as the Company Botanist in Madras, Naturalist to the Madras government, Superintendent at the Calcutta Botanical Garden and at the Company Garden at Sibpur, although they were never credited by name. Sir Joseph Banks started publishing Roxburgh’s illustrations starting in 1795, eventually encompassing the three volumes entitled Plants of the coast of Coromandel and containing 300 superb plates. LITERATURE: Henrey 1289; Nissen BBI 1689

View 1 of Lot 194: William Roxburgh | Plants of the Coast of Coromandel..., 1795-1819, 3 volumes

william roxburgh | plants of the coast of coromandel..., 1795-1819, 3 volumes

The Jay T. Snider Collection of Benjamin Franklin

Benjamin Franklin Autograph letter signed ("BF") to Jacques-Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont ("Cher Ami"), in French, half page on a sheet of laid paper (227 x 181 mm), Passy, on or after 3 July, 1780, addressed to "Monsieur de Chaumont" on the verso, remnants of red wax seal to recto and verso, two tiny chips and a very short tear at the edges, a closed tear next to the seal, none of which affects the text of the letter, a box of sun-toning around the text. Housed in a custom brown leather clamshell case and cloth chemise, with an earlier collector's paper folder laid in, the folder with a manuscript title and an unidentified, likely French, collector's stamp. A letter that reveals much about Franklin—his diplomacy, his pragmatism, and his preference for avoiding direct conflict. Franklin writes to Chaumont in French regarding the June 1780 mutiny on board John Paul Jones's fleet's flagship, the Alliance. The recipient of this letter, Jacques-Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont, was a French merchant who had made his fortune trading in the East Indies. He became one of the American Revolution's biggest supporters, acting as a go-between for Franklin and the French court. A close friend to Franklin, he rented him a portion of his Hôtel de Valentinois in Passy, initially at no cost, commissioned Jean-Baptiste Nini's portrait medallion of the "docteur" (see lot 118), and refitted an old French East Indiaman into a 42-gun frigate for the U.S. Navy, renamed the Bonhomme Richard. The letter, however, deals with a different ship—the frigate Alliance. When completed in 1777 in Salisbury, Massachusetts, it was the finest and fastest warship ever built in America. First named Hancock, it was renamed in honor of the new alliance between the United States and France. Alliance departed Boston in January 1779, captained by the commissioned Frenchman, Pierre Landais, carrying the Marquis de Lafayette back to France. Once arrived, despite Landais's orders to return with supplies to America, Franklin ordered the ship to join John Paul Jones's squadron. Landais obeyed Franklin but, following a nighttime collision of the Alliance and the Bonhomme Richard, as well as a heated argument between their two captains, he soon stopped taking orders from Jones. In September, the squadron took part in the Battle of Flameborough Head, off the coast of Yorkshire. The Alliance kept its distance from the action until, hours after the first shots were fired, while the Bonhomme Richard and the Serapis were lashed together in a death struggle, she began firing indiscriminately into both ships. Soon after, as Bonhomme Richard sank, Jones commandeered the damaged Serapis and set sail for the Dutch Republic. Once the Alliance had returned to France, Franklin relieved Landais of his command and began an enquiry into the captain's conduct. Franklin's letter to John Paul Jones of 15 October 1779, reveals the seriousness of the matter: "I have accordingly written to him this Day acquainting him that he is charged with Disobedience of Orders in the Cruise and Neglect of his Duty in the Engagement... direct him to render himself immediately here, bringing with him such Papers or Testimonies as he may think useful in his Defence. I know not whether he will obey my Orders... it will be necessary, if he should refuse to come, that you should put him under an Arrest, and in that Case as well as if he comes, that you should either appoint some Person to command his Ship or take it upon yourself; for I know of no Person to recommend to you as fit for that Station" (Papers 30:537–538). In the end, Franklin did install Jones as captain of the Alliance. He planned to send the ship to America with arms, uniforms, and other supplies. However, it took months for Jones to ready himself. Landais, on the other hand, travelled to Lorient seeking passage to America, where he planned to acquit himself in a court martial. While there, he met Arthur Lee, the diplomat who had been sidelined after Franklin's arrival in France. Lee was also awaiting passage to the United States. He told Landais that Franklin had no authority to remove his captaincy, since he held a Continental Commission. On 12 or 13 June, with Jones in Paris and Lee at his side, Landais boarded the ship and assumed command. Around 16 June, Le Ray de Chaumont urged Franklin to command Landais to remain in port. On 19 June, he wrote a longer, more urgent letter to Franklin warning him of Arthur Lee's involvement in the affair, and now suggesting that he order the ship out of port - an unpunished mutiny at port set a bad example for the other sailors. However, when Jones arrived in Lorient on 20 June, he found that the Alliance had already weighed anchor. She had sailed to Port Louis, and was now blocked in the harbor by a boom and surrounded by three French warships with orders to fire if she tried to escape. Jones, however, interceded on the Alliance's behalf — he apparently wished to avoid losing the ship and harming Franco-American relations. Captain Landais took command of the frigate Alliance and absconded with it to America, Franklin had originally ordered that the crew not be paid for its trip—he was obviously angry at being so blatantly disobeyed, and he did not want to support mutineers. However, in the present letter, written to Le Ray de Chaumont after the ship has already departed France, Franklin's fury seems to have cooled: "Notre Intention en donnant l’Ordre de ne pas payer leurs Portions a ceux qui avoient signé le Mutinerie, n’etant qu’un Expedient temporaire pour les reclamer; il me semble qu’actuellement il sera mieux de rapeller cette Ordre; parceque il y a en Amerique des Loix pour les punir; & je crois qu’il sera bon de payer les portions de ces gens en France plutôt qu’en Amerique, parceque ils ont nombre des Creanciers à l’Orient qui perdront beaucoup de leur Droits si l’Argent est envoyé en Amerique, & cela causera grand Clameur. Je suis donc d’Avis de payer à Messrs. Puchelberg tout ce qui est dû aux Matelots & aux Officiers du produit des Prises. On evitera par ce moyen nombre de Soupçons & de Censures—" ["As our intention in giving the order to not repay the shares of those who had signed the mutiny agreement was only a temporary expedient to secure their return; it seems to me that it would now be better to revoke this order; this is because, in America, we have laws for punishing them; and I think that it will be good to pay these individuals' shares in France rather than in America, as they have numerous creditors in Lorient who would stand to lose a significant portion of their claims were the funds to be sent to America, and this would cause a great clamor. I am therefore of the opinion to pay Misters Puchelberg the all that is due to the sailors and officers from the profits of the prizes. We will, in this way, avoid much suspicion and censure"; translation by Noah Goldrach.] The Alliance departed soon after. Landais, however, proved to be a disastrous captain, abusing his men and making unsafe decisions. Thinking him insane, his officers mutinied, forcibly relieving him of his command on 11 August. When the Alliance arrived in Boston, naval authorities found Landais guilty and removed him from service. "A beleaguered Franklin decided it was best to let others sort it all out. He had other things in France to deal with" (Isaacson, p. 390). REFERENCES Papers of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Oberg, 32:544–545; Walter Isaacson. Benjamin Franklin: An American Life. (New York: 2003); "Alliance I (Frigate)," in Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships, (2015), (https://www.history.navy.mil/research/histories/ship-histories/danfs/a/alliance-i.html)

View 1 of Lot 122: Benjamin Franklin | Autograph letter to Le Ray de Chaumont, regarding a mutiny on the Frigate"'Alliance," 1780

benjamin franklin | autograph letter to le ray de chaumont, regarding a mutiny on the frigate"'alliance," 1780

Fine Books and Manuscripts, Including Americana

[Richards, Keith] Original Trial Transcript, Her Majesty the Queen, and Keith Richards. Toronto, Ontario: New Court House, 23-24 October, 1978 [ii], 93 pp., printed single-sided (280 x 215 mm). Spiral bound, red paper wrappers, printed paper label "Her Majesty the Queen - and - Keith Richard" to cover. Signed and certified on page 93 by the official court reporter. A bit of handling wear, soiling, and light creasing. Accompanied by a photograph of Keith Richards with the court reporter. "Free Keith!" — an infamous drug bust threatens to derail the Stones at the peak of their success On February 27th, 1977, while The Rolling Stones were in Toronto for a recording session for their Love You Live album at the Mocambo Club, Canadian police raided Keith Richards and Anita Pallenberg's hotel room and found roughly an ounce of heroin and five grams of cocaine. The quantity was such that the musician was charged with intent to traffic, the penalty for which in Canada ranges from seven years, to life in prison. The present trial transcript is the court stenographer's own copy of the pivotal legal proceeding that followed this arrest. It offers revealing details about Keith Richards' life with the band at the peak of their success, his notoriously rapacious appetite for drugs, his efforts to get sober following the arrest, and his trial defense, which included testimony from SNL producer Lorne Michaels (who describes their 1978 performance on SNL in great detail), and journalist Jack Hubert Batten. In the months that elapsed between his arrest and the trial date, Richards got sober and pursued an intensive regime of psychiatric treatment (detailed here in reproductions of testimonials submitted by his doctors). When he appeared in court before Judge Lloyd Graburn on 23 October 1978, his newfound sobriety was central to his defense. His attorney contextualized his ongoing struggles with addiction in the context of his creativity, arguing that he found himself in this "terrible predicament" because he was "racked with severe emotional pain." Expanding on this further, he mused: "one often wonders whether its not his oversensitivity to life and to people and to his environment that allows him to see and express in music and writing what most of us are not gifted enough to see ... I suggest to your Honour from the evidence that you've heard that Keith Richard [sic] is a man who, by the pressures of his emotional makeup and the cauldron of the work schedule and into which he's thrown and the pressures of international acclaim, has become so racked that he turned to heroin to help him." In handing down the sentence, Judge Graburn agreed, deeming: "No incarceration or fine would be appropriate because of Mr. Richards’ continuing treatment for drug addiction and his long-term benefit to the community." As cheers erupted in the courtroom, Richards was given a one-year suspended sentence, one years' probation, and was ordered to give a special performance at the Canadian National Institute for the Blind. There was some speculation that the court's leniency amounted to preferential treatment, but Prosecutor Paul Kennedy, didn't seem to object: "If you get a member of the Rolling Stones off heroin" he said, "you've done some good." Keith Richards finally managed to get the monkey off his back following his dust-up with the Mounties, going on to tour with the Stones through some of their most successful and frenzied periods, through to today. REFERENCE Keith Richards, James Fox. Life. New York: Little, Brown, and Company, 2010 PROVENANCE Official Court Reporter — thence by descent

View 1 of Lot 124: [Richards, Keith] | The official trial transcript of Keith Richards' infamous 1978 heroin bust

[richards, keith] | the official trial transcript of keith richards' infamous 1978 heroin bust

English Literature, History, Science, Children’s Books and Illustrations

QUAKERS. Collection of upwards of 60 tracts in one volume, by George Fox, Edward Burrough, Francis Howgill, Daniel Baker and others: [Fox, George] To all that would Know the Way to the Kingdome...a Direction to turn your minds within...that you may know Truth from Errour...Given forth by those whom the world in scorn calls Quakers. For Giles Calvert, 1658, fourth edition, corrected, title torn and repaired, oil staining; A Visitation to the Jewes...for Giles Calvert, 1656, without final blank leaf; The Priests Fruits made manifest. And the Fashions of the world, and the Lust of Ignorance...For Thomas Simmons, 1657; A warning to all teachers of children, which are called school-masters and school-mistresses...[for Thomas Simmons, 1657], caption title; The ground of high places: and the end of high places...For Thomas Simmons, 1657; The Priests and Professors Catechisme...For Giles Calvert, 1657; The Pearle found in England… for Thomas Simmons, 1658; To the Protector and Parliament of England… Giles Calvert, 1658; A Reply to the pretended Vindication of the Answer to the Quakers… For Thomas Simmons, 1658, lacking final blank; To you that are crying, what is become of our fore-fathers, if the light be the way which you be in, and what is become of the martyrs that suffered? Thomas Simmons, [1657], caption title; An Instruction to Judges & Lawyers… For Thomas Simmons, [1657]—M, E. A Brief Answer to the Cambridge Model….Thomas Simmons, 1658—Fox, George. The Lambs Officer….For Thomas Simmons, 1659, issue without ornament before title; This is to all Officers and Souldiers of the Armies…For Thomas Simmons, 1657; Here is Declared the Manner of the Naming of Children in the Old Time…Thomas Simmons, 1658—Haward, Jeremiah. Here followeth a true Relation of some of the Sufferings, incflicted upon…the Quakers by this Generation of Evil-doers… [London, 1654]—Burrough, Edward. Truth Defended: or, certain Accusations answered: cast upon us who are called Quakers… For Thomas Simmons, 1656, with final blank; A Standard Lifted Up, and an Ensigne held forth, to all Nations…for Giles Calvert, 1658; The True State of Christianity, truly Described unto all People…for Thomas Simmons, 1658, one leaf torn; A Message for Instruction, to all the Rulers, Judges, and Magistrates. For Thomas Simmons, 1658; A Message Proclaimed. By Divine Authority…For Thomas Simmons, 1658; The True Christian Religion again Discovered…For Thomas Simmons, 1658; A Just and Lawful Tryal of the Teachers and professed Ministers of this age and generation… For Thomas Simmons, 1659; A Faithful Testimony concerning the true worship of God… For Thomas Simmons, 1659—Cooke, Edward. A Short Account of the Unjust Proceedings of the Court of Kingstone upon Thames…[Thomas Simmons, 1658], caption title; A Second Account in short…[1658], caption title—Burrough, Edward. A Declaration to all the World of our Faith: And what we believe who are called Quakers…For Thomas Simmons, 1659—Howgill, Francis. A Lamentation for the Scattered Tribes…for Giles Calvert, 1656, lacking final leaf; Some of the Misteries of Gods Kingdome…for Thomas Simmons, 1658; The Measuring Rod of the Lord…for Giles Calvert, 1658—Darknesse and Ignorance Expelled by the Light Shining Forth…for Thomas Simmons, 1659; Mistery Babylon the Mother of Harlots Discovered… For Thomas Simmons, 1659—Hubberthorn, Richard. The Cause of Stumbling removed from all thast will receive the truth; and from before the Eyes of the Wise men of London…for Thomas Simmons, 1657; The Quakers House built upon the Rock Christ… missing one leaf at the end—Perrot, John. Immanuel the Salvation of Israel…for Thomas Simmons, 1658; A Word to the World…Thomas Simmons, 1658, caption title—Harwood, John. A Description of the True Temple and Worship of God…for Thomas Simmons, 1658, lacking final blank—Fox, George. Compassion to the Captives… for Thomas Simmons, 1656, lacking final blank—Fox, George. The Words of the everlasting and True Light…for Thomas Simmons, 1659—Farnworth, Richard. The Pure Language of the Spirit of Truth…[? 1657]; A Confession and Profession of Faith in God by his people who are inscorn [sic] called Quakers… for Giles Calvert, 1958 [i.e.1658]—Whitehead, George. A Brief Treatise, on the Truths behalf in discovery of Falshoods… for Thomas Simmons, 1658—Salthouse, Thomas. The Line of True Judgment… for Thomas Simmons, [?1660]—Howard, Luke. A Few Plain Words of Instruction… for Thomas Simmons, 1658, lacking final blank—Moon, John. The Revelation of Jesus Christ unto John Moone… for Thomas Simmons, 1658—Farnworth, Richard. Antichrists Man of War…for Giles Calvert, 1655, lacking final blank—Smith, Humphrey. The First and Second Priesthood… [1657]; The True and everlasting Rule from God discovered… for Thomas Simmons, 1658; Hidden Things Made Manifest by the Light…for Thomas Simmons, 1658, lacking final blank; Idolatry Declared Against…for Thomas Simmons, 1658; Divine Love spreading forth over all Nations… for Thomas Simmons, [1658]; To the Musicioners, the Harpers, the Minstrels, the Singers, the Dancers, the Persecutors… 1658—Baker, Daniel. A Thundering Voice out of Sion… for Thomas Simmons, 1658; A Certaine Warning from a Naked Heart…[1659], lacking final leaf of text; Now heare this all yee persecuting Rules, Preists, and Magistrates…[1659], first two leaves only (of four); A Single and general Voice, lifted up like a Trumpet…for Thomas Simmons, 1659; Bache, Humphrey. The Voice of Thunder…for Thomas Simmons, 1659—Bayly, William. A Warning from the Spirit of Truth… 1658, lacking final blank; Pearson, Anthony. The Great Case of Tythes…for Giles Calvert, 1659—The Record of Sufferings for Tythes in England…for Thomas Simmons, 1658—Robertson, Thomas. A Horrible thing committed in this Land… [for Thomas Simmons, 1658], lacking final leaf; and a few others, similar, incomplete (or fragments only), numerous early ownership signatures, scribblings and marginal notes; some tracts with woodcut decorations, initials or devices, contemporary calf, covers decorated in blind, list of tracts in ink and pencil on later (now detached) endpapers (loosely inserted), some leaves cut close, cropped or torn, some pages soiled, stained or darkened, front endpapers detached, some margins cut close or slightly cropped, soiling and damp-staining to some leaves, slight worming to inner margins, upper cover partially detached, spine chipped, covers very worn and rubbed A significant group of tracts and other works relating to the early years and campaigns of the Religious Society of Friends, including a number by its founder George Fox (1624-1691). PROVENANCE: [early individual ownership signatures in some works]; John Burnley, his ownership signature dated 30th March 1720 on front endpaper; William Bellows, ownership signature dated 25th September 1871 on detached front endpaper

View 1 of Lot 23: QUAKER PAMPHLETS | Collection of over 60 tracts in one volume, mid seventeenth century

quaker pamphlets | collection of over 60 tracts in one volume, mid seventeenth century

Bibliotheca Brookeriana: A Renaissance Library. Magnificent Books and Bindings

Tacitus, Publius Cornelius. C. Corn. Taciti Annalium et Historiarum libri qui extant, Iusti Lipsii studio emendati et illustrati. Eiusdem Taciti liber de Moribus Germanorum. Iulii Agricolae vita. Incerti scriptoris Dialogus de Oratoribus sui temporis. Cum notis Iusti Lipsii & Vertranii Mauri. Accesserunt huic editioni appellationes nationum & prouinciarum Germaniae. Lyon: Antoine Gryphe, 1576). Bound with:

Tacitus, Publius Cornelius. C. Corn. Taciti Annalium et Historiarum libri qui extant, Iusti Lipsii studio emendati et illustrati. Eiusdem Taciti liber de Moribus Germanorum. Iulii Agricolae vita. Incerti scriptoris Dialogus de Oratoribus sui temporis. Cum notis Iusti Lipsii & Vertranii Mauri. Accesserunt huic editioni appellationes nationum & prouinciarum Germaniae. Lyon: Antoine Gryphe, 1576). Bound with: Marcus Vertranius Maurus, Ad P. Cornelii Taciti Annalium et historiarum libros. M. Vertranii Mauri Iurisc. Notae. Lyon: Antoine Gryphe, 1569 A reprint of Lipsius’ annotated edition of Tactitus’ Opera omnia (Antwerp: Christophe Plantin, 30 September 1574). The publisher Antoine Gryphe retained the arrangement of Plantin’s edition, reprinting the dedicatory letter to the Emperor Maximilian II, Lipsius’ biographical essay, and brief anthology of testimonials from ancient authors, but omitting the dedicatory letter of the Opera minora to Johannes Sambucus. On the page preceding the text of the Annales, Gryphe announces that he is annexing his 1569 edition of Maurus’ notae. Nothing is known of Maurus (not even his vernacular name), except that he practiced law, and evidently worked for a publisher in Lyon as a corrector. Anselmo Dandini (1546–1608) was a son of Pompeo Dandini of Cesena, Conte Palatino and Cavaliere Aurato, and, after 1539, an imperial count, entitled to incorporate the imperial eagle on the Dandini coat of arms: Tre stelle di otto punte dell’uno all’altro poste sulla trinciatura ed il capo d’oro all’aquila spiegata di nero. Anselmo studied in Bologna under the supervision of the orator Sebastiano Regoli da Brisighella (1514–1570), then at Bologna university, graduating in 1567 with a degree in utroque jure. At age thirteen, he had obtained a valuable benefice in Ferrara (Abate commendatario di S. Bartolomeo) from his uncle, Girolamo Dandini (1509–1559), nuncio to the court of François I (1543–1544), created cardinal by Julius III on 20 November 1551. Pius V appointed Anselmo Protonotario Apostolico and Referendario di Segnatura, which allowed him the privilege of using the insignia of an amaranth galero with twelve scarlet tassels. In 1578, Gregory XIII appointed him Nunzio ordinario to France, where he remained for three years. While in Paris, Anselmo kept a lavish court in the Hôtel de Sens. Among his expenses were gifts to his patrons in the Roman Curia: ruby and emerald rings, hats and leather gloves, eyeglasses, clocks and astrolabes—but especially books. Some details of these gifts are in letters addressed by Anselmo to his agent in Rome, Giovanni Battista Schiani. In February 1579, Anselmo sent a newly published breviary (Antwerp, 1579) to Cristoforo Turrettini, Segretario delle cifre to Pope Gregory XIII. A month later, he dispatched twelve liturgical and devotional books bound in blue leather, three volumes of them destined for the pope himself, and three each for officials of the papal household: Lodovico Bianchetti (Maestro di camera pontificio), Paolo Ghislieri (nephew of Pius V), and Aurelio Savignani (Scutifero); plus twelve volumes of the same, these bound in red leather, for Cardinals Tolomeo Gallio (Segretario di Stato), Filippo Boncompagni, and Filippo Guastavillani; two of the same, bound in brown leather, for a Monsignor San Vitali; four of the same in unspecified bindings for Francesco Valdevieso and Schiani himself; and a Bible in sextodecimo format, bound in five volumes, for Scipione Cittadini, canon of Faenza, and Anselmo’s Maestro di casa. These books, together with three pairs of gloves (two for Schiani, one for a certain Annibale Lioni) were conveyed to Rome by the bankers Bandini. The books evidently were well received, as in February 1580 Anselmo despatched a similar shipment to Rome: five breviaries (two bound in blue leather, for Guastavillani and Boncompagni; three in brown leather, for Bianchetti, Savignani, and Turrettini), plus five diurnals (unbound) and a missal for Turrettini. Only two books bound in Paris for Dandini himself are recorded, this one, and another now untraced. That volume— Horatius Flaccus, Opera (Antwerp: Christophe Plantin, 1566)—is similarly decorated à la fanfare incorporating Dandini’s armorial supralibros with cappello prelatizio, and it presumably originated in the same, as yet unidentified workshop. The Horace was evidently first published in a Sotheby’s catalogue for a sale that included property from Charles Carmichael Lacaita (1853–1933), London, 20–22 July 1936, lot 117. There it was knocked down to Vicomte Louis de Pardieu for £26, but reappeared in the Sotheby’s rooms a year and half later, 20–22 December 1937, where it fell for £14 10s to a bidder identified as Stratford. After a third Sotheby’s auction in 1941, Dandini’s Horace, making its fourth appearance in the rooms, was purchased by Maggs for £30, lot 258, 31 March–1 April 1952. The volume subsequently appeared in Maggs Bros. Catalogue 830: Printing, Illustration, Binding & Illumination (1955), item 68, but its current location is not traced. 2 works in one volume, 16mo (120 x 78 mm). (I) Italic and roman types, 29 lines plus headline. collation: a–z8 A–Z8 aa–pp8 α–κ8: 568 leaves (pp7, pp8 blank). Woodcut Gryphe devices on title-page and pp6v, a few woodcut initials. (II) Italic and Roman types, 29 lines plus headline. collation: a–p8 q2: 122 leaves. Woodcut Gryphe device on title-page, a few woodcut initials and type-ornament headpieces. (First title-page stained from artless repair with transparent tape, scattered light browning, without the 2 folding letterpress insertions, “Pagina Prima” and “Pagina Secunda," sometimes found bound in.) binding: Parisian olive morocco (126 x 82 mm), ca. 1580, richly gilt à la fanfare, arms of Anselmo Dandini in an oval on covers, flat spine carrying over decoration from covers, two-line horizontal spine title, edges gilt. (Front joint restored.) provenance: Anselmo Dandini (armorial supralibros) — Charles Fairfax Murray (1849–1919; Davies, Catalogue of a Collection of Early French Books in the Library of C. Fairfax Murray [London, 1910], no. 522) — Raphaël Esmerian (1903–1976; Antoine & Étienne Ader, Jean-Louis Picard, Jacques Tajan & Claude Guérin with Georges Blaizot, Paris, Bibliothèque Raphaël Esmerian. Première 6 June 1972, lot 112 (FF 7000) — Armand Notter (1912–1997; exlibris) — Ivoire (Jean Chenu, Antoine Bérard, François Péron) & Jacques Van Eecloo, Lyon, Photographies; Livres anciens et modernes, 25–26 May 2011, lot 83. acquisition: Purchased from Librairie Amélie Sourget, Paris, 2013. references: (I) FB 87266; USTC 141331; Baudrier VIII, pp.367-368; Gültlingen, XIV, p.169: 141; (II) FB 79493; USTC 158267; Baudrier, VIII, p.352; Gültlingen, XIV, p.156: 69; for the binding, see G. D. Hobson, Les Reliures à la fanfare le problème de l’s fermé (London, 1935), p. 19 (“Troisième Liste: Les reliures ‘à la fanfare’ proprement dites”, no. 101); for Dandini's court and gift-giving, see Correspondance du nonce en France Anselmo Dandino 1578–1581, ed. Cloulas (Rome & Paris, 1970), pp. 9–11 & pp. 13–14 (citing Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des Manuscrits, Italien, 1676, ff. 97, 109–110, 195).

View 1 of Lot 84: Tacitus, Annalium et historiarum libri qui extant, Lyon, 1576, Parisian fanfare binding with arms of Anselmo Dandini

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