The Jay T. Snider Collection of Benjamin Franklin

[New Jersey — Proprietors of the Eastern-Division]

[New Jersey — Proprietors of the Eastern-Division] A Bill in the Chancery of New-Jersey at the Suit of John Earl of Stair, and others, Proprietors of the Eastern-Division of New-Jersey; against Benjamin Bond, and some other Persons of Elizabeth-Town, distinguished by name of the Clinker Lot Right Men. With Three large Maps, done from Copper-Plates. To which is added; the Publications of the Council of Proprietors of East New-Jersey, and Mr. Nevill's Speeches to the General Assembly, concerning the Riots committed in New-Jersey, and the Pretences of the Rioters, and their Seducers. These Papers will give a better Light into the History and Constitution of New-Jersey, than any thing hitherto published, the mMatters whereof have been chiefly Collected from Records. New York: Published by Subscription: Printed by James Parker, in New-York, 1747; and a few copies are to be sold by him, and Benjamin Franklin, in Philadelphia Folio (349 x 216 mm). Text in two columns, three folded engraved maps with contemporary outline color, engraved and printed by James Turner in Boston after Lewis Evans of Philadelphia, the third map on two sheets joined; Moderately spotted and toned throughout, a darker stain affecting leaves U2–3, a small area of offsetting in the lower margin of leaf 2C2, the maps with a few very short tears at edges and some inky marginal fingerprint marks (apparently originating in James Turner's printshop), Map No. II with a tiny paper repair at bottom edge, trimmed along the platemark at right edge without touching the printing, Map No. III with small chips, splits, and tears, but professionally restored and laid-down on Japanese tissue. Contemporary marbled boards backed with modern calf; boards quite worn, hinges reinforced. Half blue morocco folding-case. First edition. The Bill in the Chancery of New-Jersey, printed by James Parker and published in partnership with Benjamin Franklin, deals with a lengthy legal dispute between the colony's proprietors and the Elizabethtown Associates over land titles and taxation. The controversy eventually led to a major local uprising, now sometimes seen as a regional precursor to the American Revolution. The problems that this bill sought to resolve began in 1664, when Charles II granted his brother James, the Duke of York, New Jersey as a reward for having overthrown the Dutch in New York. Soon after, his colonial governor, Colonel Richard Nicholls, allowed a group of English settlers to buy a tract of land just to the West of Staten Island from the Lenni Lenape people. Their deed was confirmed by Nicholls in June of 1664. The tract was then surveyed, a town laid out, and Elizabethtown was established. Meanwhile, back in England, James gave his colony to Lord John Berkeley and Sir George Carteret. When their governor arrived, he demanded that the Elizabethtown settlers pay quitrents on the lands they had settled. The Elizabethtown Associates, as they came to be known, citing the lack of a provision for quitrents on their deed, refused to pay. "Thus began one of the most famous controversies in the early history of New Jersey. Over the years the numbers of disputants increased dramatically as more individuals began to own shares and fractions of shares of the proprietorship of New Jersey" (Felcone). The Associates continued to survey and sell their lands, while the proprietors repeatedly tried legal and civil suits against them. Over time, the dispute stretched into the third and fourth generations of Elizabethtown residents. The newer Associates, known as the Clinker Lot Right Men, even established a legal fund to help defend their titles. James Alexander, a surveyor and prominent attorney in New York and New Jersey, stepped in on behalf of the Proprietors to try and settle the dispute. In 1741, he suggested that the suit be settled in Chancery by English Bill, where one decree could settle all the individual suits simultaneously. Alexander prepared his bill (pp. 3–81), a legal argument "of great subtlety and complexity," and submitted it in April 1745 (Streeter). He then shifted his focus to having it printed and distributed. Lewis Evans, an associate of Franklin agreed to draw the maps, while James Turner, a Boston silversmith, would engrave and print them. The text sheets would be printed by Parker in New York. However, securing the funding took time. By April 1746, with a war of words ongoing in the New York press and the Clinker Lot Right Men riots at their peak (appendix, pp. 1–11), a second and third Bill were drafted to calm the situation (appendix, pp. 13–24, and pp. 25–39). The dispute between the Elizabethtown Associates and the proprietors would never, in fact, be fully resolved—it was still ongoing when the Revolutionary War broke outm making the claims of the proprietors moot. The three engraved maps are among the earliest American maps of the region. Per the imprint, the price of a bound copy with colored maps was 3 Pounds. According to Felcone, "it would appear that about 60 sets of the maps were 'colored.'" As such, this is a rare survival in the deluxe format of an important colonial text. The maps are: "Map I" shows the middle British colonies along the coastline from Boston Harbor to Cape Hatteras, the cartouche provides a key to place-names in English and Dutch, and a coloring guide. "Map II" is of New Jersey, centered on Essex County and Elizabethtown, also showing all of New York City, with "Part of Pensylvania" and "Part of New York" at the corners. "Map III" shows the disputed area in great detail, with a grid and individual properties marked and titled. The area is bordered with the Raritan River on the south, Hackinsack Bay and the shores of Staten Island to the east, the Cushetunk Hills at the west, and the North Mountains to the north. REFERENCES Miller 426; ESTC W2730; Evans 6021–6024; Felcone 197; Streeter sale II:918 PROVENANCE Bennington Gill (signature on title, dated 1855) — Fred Gerken (purchased from Roger A. Lyon, twentieth-century pencil inscription on front pastedown)

View 1 of Lot 41: New Jersey | A Bill in the Chancery of New-Jersey, with three of the earliest American maps of the region

new jersey | a bill in the chancery of new-jersey, with three of the earliest american maps of the region

Important Watches

Dial: black Caliber: cal. 3285 automatic, 31 jewels Movement number: V7'749'0T7 Case: stainless steel, screw-down case back Case number: 8C'P54'786 Closure: stainless steel Rolex Jubilee bracelet and folding clasp Size: 40 mm diameter, bracelet circumference approximately 190 m Signed: case, dial and movement Box: yes Papers: yes Accessories: Rolex presentation box with outer packaging, warranty card, leather card holder, booklets, two hang tags, and two additional links

View 1 of Lot 3: Reference 126710BLRO GMT-Master II 'Pepsi' | A stainless steel automatic dual time wristwatch with date and bracelet, Circa 2019

reference 126710blro gmt-master ii 'pepsi' | a stainless steel automatic dual time wristwatch with date and bracelet, circa 2019

Dial: white gold Caliber: cal. 1499.3 mechanical, 40 jewels Case: platinum, sapphire crystal display back secured by six screws Case number: 447-RN Closure: platinum F. P. Journe buckle Size: 40 mm diameter Signed: case, dial and movement Box: yes Papers: yes Accessories: F. P. Journe presentation boxes with outer packaging, Certificate of Authenticity card confirming the individual number of the piece as 447-RN (undated), Operating Instructions booklet, and polishing cloth

View 1 of Lot 66: Chronomètre à Résonance | A platinum dual time zone wristwatch with power reserve indication, Circa 2005

chronomètre à résonance | a platinum dual time zone wristwatch with power reserve indication, circa 2005

Dial: brown Caliber: cal. 1570 automatic, 26 jewels Movement number: D'325'181 Case: 18k yellow gold, screw down case back Case number: 1'467'537 Closure: 18k yellow gold Rolex Oyster bracelet with folding clasp Size: 40 mm diameter, bracelet circumference is approximately 175 mm Signed: case, dial and movement Box: no Papers: no Accessories: Heritage Auctions Certificate of Sale confirming that the present lot was acquired directly from actor Peter Fonda; the piece was originally offered in Heritage’s Music and Entertainment Memorabilia Auction held on October 6, 2007, and one additional 18k yellow gold Rolex Oyster bracelet Weight: approximately 128.50 g

View 1 of Lot 79: Reference 1675 GMT-Master 'Nipple Dial' | A yellow gold automatic dual time zone wristwatch with date and bracelet, Owned and screen worn by Peter Fonda in Easy Rider (1969), Circa 1966

reference 1675 gmt-master 'nipple dial' | a yellow gold automatic dual time zone wristwatch with date and bracelet, owned and screen worn by peter fonda in easy rider (1969), circa 1966

Dial: matte brown Caliber: cal. 1570 automatic, 26 jewels Movement number: D'688'539 Case: 18k yellow gold, screw down case back Case number: 3'902'298 Closure: 18k yellow gold Rolex Jubilee bracelet with folding clasp Size: 40 mm diameter, bracelet circumference approximately 200 mm Signed: case, dial and movement Box: yes Papers: yes Accessories: Rolex presentation box with outer packaging, Guarantee Paper dated August 1976 (punched), Authorized Service Invoice to Don Nunley dated 8 April 1992 and 17 May 1992, Official Chronometer Certification, 1976-77 Calendar Card, service instructions slip, 50 Years of the Rolex Oyster sticker badge, and hangtags

View 1 of Lot 74: Reference 1675 GMT-Master 'Root Beer' | A yellow gold automatic dual time wristwatch with date, bracelet, and nipple dial, Owned and Worn by Don Nunley the Propmaster for the movie Le Mans, Circa 1975

reference 1675 gmt-master 'root beer' | a yellow gold automatic dual time wristwatch with date, bracelet, and nipple dial, owned and worn by don nunley the propmaster for the movie le mans, circa 1975

Dial: silvered, guilloché Caliber: cal. 2120/2808 automatic, 41 jewels Movement number: 550'122 Case: 18k white gold, sapphire crystal display back secured by six screws Case number: G 38'597 Closure: 18k white gold Audemars Piguet folding clasp Size: 43 mm diameter Signed: case, dial and movement Box: yes Papers: yes Accessories: Audemars Piguet winding box bearing a plaque from the William J. Clinton Foundation, accompanied by key and outer packaging, Certificate of Warranty and Authenticity booklet dated February 15th, 2008, facsimiles of letters from the William Jefferson Clinton's Foundation from April 2008, moon calendar for years 2007-2014, and hangtag

View 1 of Lot 162: Reference 26258BC.OO.D002CR.01057 Jules Audemars 'The White House' Equation of Time | A white gold automatic perpetual calendar with equation of time, moon phases, sunrise/sunset and leap year indications calibrated for The White House, Made for the Clinton Foundation, Circa 2008

reference 26258bc.oo.d002cr.01057 jules audemars 'the white house' equation of time | a white gold automatic perpetual calendar with equation of time, moon phases, sunrise/sunset and leap year indications calibrated for the white house, made for the clinton foundation, circa 2008

Dial: cloisonné enamel dial depicting the continents of America, Europe, and Africa

Dial: cloisonné enamel dial depicting the continents of America, Europe, and Africa Caliber: cal. 240 HU automatic, 33 jewels Movement number: 5'530'405 Case: 18k yellow gold, screw down sapphire crystal display back Case number: 4'523'181 Closure: 18k yellow gold Patek Philippe folding clasp Size: 40 mm diameter Signed: case and movement Box: yes Papers: yes Accessories: Patek Philippe presentation box with outer packaging, Certificate of Origin dated August 24th, 2010, Operating Instructions booklet, booklets, leather bi-fold, factory service box, and hangtag

View 1 of Lot 62: Reference 5131J-001 World Time | A yellow gold automatic world time wristwatch with cloisonné enamel dial, Circa 2010

reference 5131j-001 world time | a yellow gold automatic world time wristwatch with cloisonné enamel dial, circa 2010

Louis Vuitton for UNICEF Auction Items

Material: Golden and black steel structure with golden brackets and two sandblasted rotating discs; a pentagon and a hexagon of the structure are set with 144 white round-cut diamonds and 120 treated black diamonds, 1.04 carat total

Material: Golden and black steel structure with golden brackets and two sandblasted rotating discs; a pentagon and a hexagon of the structure are set with 144 white round-cut diamonds and 120 treated black diamonds, 1.04 carat total Functions: Hours and minutes Caliber: L'Epée 1839 MV.7452/000, mechanical manual-winding Power Reserve: 8 days Winding: Manual winding with a golden steel key Base: Black leather with Louis Vuitton golden stud Size: Clock: 150 mm diameter Leather base: 12.2 mm diameter, 2.2 mm height Total weight: 3.3 kg Trunk: Presented in a bespoke trophy-style trunk in Louis Vuitton Monogram canvas handcrafted in atelier Asnières Closed: 300 mm W × 290 mm D × 320 mm H Open: 525 mm W × 340 mm D × 530 mm H

View 1 of Lot 1: Louis Vuitton Unity Time Object

louis vuitton unity time object

Reference 116.021 Dial: silvered Caliber: cal. L031.1 mechanical, 54 jewels Movement number: 50'633 Case: 18k yellow gold, sapphire crystal display back secured by six screws Case number: 160'376 Closure: 18k yellow gold A. Lange & Söhne buckle Size: 41.9 mm diameter Signed: case, dial and movement Box: yes Papers: yes Reference 116.025 Dial: silvered Caliber: cal. L031.1 mechanical, 54 jewels Movement number: 50'470 Case: platinum, sapphire crystal display back secured by six screws Case number: 160'544 Closure: platinum A. Lange & Söhne buckle Size: 41.9 mm diameter Signed: case, dial and movement Box: yes Papers: yes Reference 116.032 Dial: silvered Caliber: cal. L031.1 mechanical, 54 jewels Movement number: 50'824 Case: 18k pink gold, sapphire crystal display back secured by six screws Case number: 160'475 Closure: 18k pink gold A. Lange & Söhne buckle Size: 41.9 mm diameter Signed: case, dial and movement Box: yes Papers: yes Accessories: A. Lange & Söhne presentation box designed to accommodate three watches with outer packaging, three individual presentation boxes with outer packaging, Guarantee and Service book confirming reference 116.021 Lange 1 Zeitzone dated 8 July 2025, Guarantee and Service book confirming 116.025 Zeitzone dated 8 July 2025, Guarantee and Service book confirming 116.032 Zeitzone dated 8 July 2025, Operating Instructions books, and leather bi-folds

View 1 of Lot 84: References 116.021, 116.025 & 116.032 Lange 1 Zeitzone | A set of three limited edition GMT world time wristwatches with date, power reserve, and double day/night indications Circa 2005

references 116.021, 116.025 & 116.032 lange 1 zeitzone | a set of three limited edition gmt world time wristwatches with date, power reserve, and double day/night indications circa 2005

Dial: black glossy lacquer, gilt print Caliber: cal. 1570 automatic, 26 jewels Movement number: D'102'235 Case: stainless steel, screw-down case back Case number: 1'671'962 Closure: stainless steel Rolex Oyster bracelet and folding clasp Size: 40 mm diameter, bracelet circumference approximately 200 mm Signed: case, dial and movement Box: no Papers: no

View 1 of Lot 93: Reference 1675 GMT-Master 'Fuchsia' | A stainless steel automatic dual time zone wristwatch with date and bracelet, Circa 1967 

reference 1675 gmt-master 'fuchsia' | a stainless steel automatic dual time zone wristwatch with date and bracelet, circa 1967

Dial: silvered Caliber: cal. 12-400 HS mechanical, 18 jewels Movement number: 729'406 Case: 18k yellow gold, snap on case back Case number: 309'762 Closure: 18k yellow gold Patek Philippe buckle Size: 35 mm diameter Signed: case, dial and movement Box: no Papers: no Accessories: Patek Philippe service packaging, facsimile of service invoice dated April 21st, 2026, service pouch

View 1 of Lot 199: Reference 2597J Calatrava 'Travel-Time' | A yellow gold wristwatch, Double Service Sealed, Circa 1960

reference 2597j calatrava 'travel-time' | a yellow gold wristwatch, double service sealed, circa 1960

Dial: semi-skeletonised Caliber: cal. CRMA4 automatic, 37 jewels Movement number: no. 000'149, 3'312 Case: titanium, sapphire crystal display back secured by 8 screws Case number: 153 Closure: titanium Richard Mille double folding clasp Size: 47 mm diameter Signed: case, dial and movement Box: no Papers: no

View 1 of Lot 90: Reference RM63-02 Ti | A titanium a semi-skeletonized automatic world time wristwatch with date, Circa 2016

reference rm63-02 ti | a titanium a semi-skeletonized automatic world time wristwatch with date, circa 2016

Dial: silvered Caliber: 17 ligne mechanical, 29 jewels Movement number: 866'595 Case: 18k yellow gold, snap on glazed cuvette, hinged case back Case number: 2'837'635 Size: 53 mm diameter Signed: case, dial and movement Box: yes Papers: yes Accessories: Patek Philippe presentation box, Certificate of Origin (undated) and hangtag

View 1 of Lot 130: Reference 962/1J-001 | A yellow gold open-faced keyless minute repeating perpetual calendar watch with the equation of time, moon phases, and 24-hour indication, Circa 2001

reference 962/1j-001 | a yellow gold open-faced keyless minute repeating perpetual calendar watch with the equation of time, moon phases, and 24-hour indication, circa 2001

Dial: black Caliber: cal. AL 30-660 SC FUS automatic, 52 jewels Movement number: 5'256'797 Case: platinum, screw down sapphire crystal case back Case number: 6'493'592 Closure: platinum Patek Philippe buckle Size: 42 mm diameter Signed: case, dial and movement Box: yes Papers: yes Accessories: Patek Philippe presentation box with outer packaging, Certificate of Origin dated 30 August 2022, and product literature in leather binder

View 1 of Lot 187: Reference 5520P-001 Alarm Travel Time | A platinum dual time alarm wristwatch with date, alarm time display, and day/night indication, Circa 2022

reference 5520p-001 alarm travel time | a platinum dual time alarm wristwatch with date, alarm time display, and day/night indication, circa 2022

Dial: black Caliber: cal. HUB 9002 mechanical, 74 jewels Case: 18k pink gold, sapphire crystal display back secured by four screws Case number: 08/30, 986'932 Closure: 18k pink gold and PVD-coated titanium Hublot folding clasp Size: 51 x 56 mm diameter, bracelet circumference is approximately 200 mm Signed: case, dial and movement Box: yes Papers: yes Accessories: Hublot presentation box with outer packaging, and International Warranty card confirming the individual numbering of the piece as 08/30 and dated March 14th, 2018

View 1 of Lot 156: Reference 902.OX.1138.RX Masterpiece MP-02 Key of Time | A limited edition pink gold horizontal tourbillon wristwatch with power reserve indication and time speed control, Circa 2015

reference 902.ox.1138.rx masterpiece mp-02 key of time | a limited edition pink gold horizontal tourbillon wristwatch with power reserve indication and time speed control, circa 2015

Joseph Galloway Advertisement. Philadelphia, December 20, 1765. To the Publick. Whereas a Report has been propagated, That at a Meeting of the Gentlemen of the Bar of this City, I gave Opposition to the Opening of the Offices of Justice, and that such Opposition is the Cause of publick Business not being transacted in the usual Manner, without Stampt Paper. I have repeatedly, and in various Companies, denied the Truth of this Report, and fully explained my Conduct at this Meeting, in Hopes thereby to put a Stop to the further Progress of this Calumny, but in vain. I am therefore obliged, in Vindication of my Character, to undeceive the Publick, by the following Explanation. … Joseph Galloway. [Philadelphia: B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1765] Letterpress broadside (387 x 245 mm) on a half-sheet of laid paper (unwatermarked). Some wear and repair at left margin, remnants of two hinges on verso. In the midst of the Stamp Act crisis, Galloway—an able lawyer, wealthy merchant, and member of the Pennsylvania Provincial Assembly—vigorously refutes the “calumny” circulating that he opposed the transaction of judicial business except on “stampt paper.” The Stamp Act, which took effect 1 November 1765, sought new revenues from the North American colonies by taxing newspapers and legal documents. Galloway was sympathetic to the colonists' protests against Parliamentary taxation, but he was also disdainful and then angered by the radical element, believing that the difficulties were basically constitutional. He attempts in this broadside to prudently walk that narrow line between loyalty to the King and desire for independence. He writes that when the special meeting of the Philadelphia bar was opened, a proposal was made “that the Attornies should proceed in the Duties of their Profession, in the usual Manner, without Stampt Paper. Against this there was no absolute Objection made by any, save one, who said he thought it would be imprudent in the Officers of this Province to take the Lead, and that he had rather see the Officers of the other Governments first begin the Measure. A provisional Objection I made myself. I repeatedly declared, that I would proceed in my Office as usual, provided it was previously settled, and known, that the Judges would suffer the Proceedings and Practice of the Law to be carried on in the Courts, without Stampt Paper. But that unless this was done, I did not think it would be prudent in any Person to incur the Penalties of the Statute, nor hazard the Safety of his Person and Property, while those very Men, who must superintend the Recovery and Execution of the Penalties, were to remain free from any Risque, though equally interested in the Measure, and equally bound to join in it.” Galloway urges a conservative approach to the matter, in keeping with his general political principles: “It indeed appears to me a difficult Matter to reconcile the Warmth with which these Gentlemen urge the Opening the Publick Offices, with their steady and constant Opposition to the proposed Meeting of the Judges. If they are as desirous as they pretend to be, that publick Justice should be administered in the common Mode, and that cannot be done to Purpose, without the Assent of the Judges, why are they so averse to the obtaining that Assent?” In concluding, Galloway passionately defends his own honor and principles, as well as his position on the Stamp Act. “But what renders this Report still more ungenerous and dishonourable is, a Proposol that was made by one of the Gentlemen, and, as I thought, agreed to by all, for none objected to it. It was this, That as it would not be proper to mention the Sentiments of any particular Person, it would be prudent to inform the People, who should enquire after the Result of the Meeting, that there were various Opinions among us, and therefore nothing conclusive was agreed on. To which I answered, That I had delivered my Opinion on the Subject with Candour, and as it was founded on cool Reflection, it would give me no Concern should it be published from the Court-House Steps, and in every Street in the City, and yet I should chearfully comply with the Proposal, since it had been made. After this, I was not a little surprized, to find my Conduct so basely misrepresented, and that great Pains had been taken to throw the Odium, arising from the not opening the Publick Offices, on Mr. [George] Ross and myself, who were of the fame Opinion. I have taken some Pains to discover the Authors, but without Succes, I shall therefore leave them to reconcile their Conduct, in this Respect, if they can, to the Principles of Honour and Truth, if they cannot, to the Checks of their own Consciences.” George Ross served with Galloway in the Pennsylvania legislature and the Continental Congress. Initially a Tory and crown prosecutor, his allegiance to the colonial assemblies grew as they rebelled against perceived Parliamentary overreach like the Stamp Act. Galloway was able for a time to swing public sentiment to his side, and he was elected speaker of the Pennsylvania House from 1766 to 1774, the latter being the year he led the Pennsylvania delegation in the First Continental Congress, where he proposed a union—which received little support—between the thirteen colonies and Great Britain. By 1776 his loyalties had turned British and he fled, first to the countryside and then to England, where he was a spokesman for the American Loyalists and continued to work for accommodation. The 1783 peace treaty was to leave him disliked on both sides of the Atlantic. Issued without imprint, Miller ascribed the present broadside to the Franklin and Hall press because of an entry in their 1765 Workbook: “Joseph Galloway, Esq., For printing 400 Copies of his Vindication relating to opening the Publick Offices, £1.5.0.” Despite this print run, Galloway’s advertisement-answer “To the Publick” is exceptionally rare. Only a single copy is recorded in Rare Book Hub, a duplicate from either the Library Company of Pennsylvania or the Historical Society of Pennsylvania sold at Parke-Bernet Galleries, 20 January 1970, lot 7 (the sale was titled “The American Revolution: Books & Pamphlets, Broadsides, Maps, Newspapers from the Collections of the Library Company of Pennsylvania and the Historical Society of Pennsylvania,” but individual lots were not specifically designated). These two Philadelphia institutions account for two of the three copies located by ESTC, the other being held by the American Antiquarian Society. REFERENCES Miller 838; ESTC W1354; Evans 9977; Hildeburn 2127; Campbell 714

View 1 of Lot 99: Joseph Galloway | "in Vindication of my Character"

joseph galloway | "in vindication of my character"

Benjamin Franklin INTRODUCTION TO LOTS 82–87 The Snider Collection is especially rich in materials illuminating the long friendship between Benjamin Franklin and Mary (Polly) Stevenson Hewson (1739–1795), daughter of his London landlady, Mrs. Margaret Stevenson, as the following six lots demonstrate. The editors of The Papers of Benjamin Franklin describe Stevenson (later Mrs. Hewson) as “one of the charming, intelligent girls to whom [Franklin] gave the long and affectionate friendship for which he had such a talent. … Polly’s almost filial devotion to him was a major influence in her life. She had acquired an unusually good education and by the time [Franklin] arrived at Craven Street in 1757, she was spending most of her time as companion to an elderly aunt, a Mrs. Tickell, in Wanstead, a village about ten miles from London, apparently with the understanding that the aunt would leave her a comfortable estate. Nothing came of [Franklin’s] hope of having her as a daughter-in-law; in 1770 she married William Hewson, a brilliant young physician and anatomist, who four years later died from an infection incurred while dissecting. Polly devoted the rest of her life to the care and education of her two sons and daughter” (Papers 8: 122–123). In 1784, Polly and her family visited Franklin in Passy, and in 1786, about a decade after Franklin had first suggested it, she and her children moved to Philadelphia; she was with Franklin at his death. Among their voluminous and eclectic correspondence, are eight letters by Franklin (including the present) that were published in later editions of his Experiments and Observations on Electricity. Franklin reflected on their friendship in a 27 January 1783 letter to Polly: “In looking forward,—Twenty-five Years seems a long Period; but in looking back, how short!— Could you imagine that ’tis now full a Quarter of a Century since we were first acquainted!— It was in 1757. During the greatest Part of the Time I lived in the same House with my dear deceased Friend your Mother; of course you and I saw and convers’d with each other much and often. It is to all our Honours, that in all that time we never had among us the smallest Misunderstanding. Our Friendship has been all clear Sunshine, without any the least Cloud in its Hemisphere. Let me conclude by saying to you what I have had too frequent Occasions to say to my other remaining old Friends, the fewer we become, the more let us love one another” (Papers 39:67–68). Autograph letter signed ("BFranklin") to Mary “Polly” Stevenson (“My Dear Friend”), 2 pages (318 x 201 mm) on a bifolium of laid paper (watermarked Pro Patria with Maid of Dort, countermarked crowned GR), London, 22 March 1762, regarding her study of electricity and other subjects, eight-line autograph postscript, integral leaf with autograph address panel (“To | Miss Stevenson | at Mrs. Tickell’s | Wanstead Essex”) on verso; some light staining at top of first page, long separations at head and foot of central vertical fold, a short marginal separation at horizontal fold, seal tear and repair, but red wax seal preserved largely intact. Half maroon morocco folding-case gilt, chemise. Franklin congratulates Stevenson on her reading his Experiments and Observations on Electricity in the French translation of Thomas-François Dalibard, and responds to a question she had posed in a letter to him, 10 March 1762, concerning Leyden jars: “I was about to ask a Question I find you cannot answer—How it happens that the Surface of the Bottle which contains less than it’s natural Quantity of Electric Fire does not immediately replenish itself from the Hand that holds it, unless the Fire which has a Communication with the other Surface is applied to something that will receive it’s superabundant Quantity” (Papers 10:65–66). He here replies, “I must retract the Charge of Idleness in your Studies, when I find you have gone thro’ the doubly difficult Task of reading so big a Book on an abstruse Subject and in a foreign Language. “The Question you were about to ask is a very sensible one.— The Hand that holds the Bottle receives & conducts away the electric Fluid that is driven out of the outside by the repulsive Power of that which is forc’d into the inside of the Bottle. As long as that Power remains in the same Situation, it must prevent the Return of what it had expell’d; tho’ the Hand would readily supply the Quantity if it could be receiv’d.—” These two opening paragraphs appear, virtually verbatim, as Letter LIII in the 1769 (pp. 460–61) and 1774 (pp. 470–71) editions of Experiments and Observations on Electricity, made at Philadelphia in America. The letter then turns to the topic of a new play that Stevenson was keen to see, a comedy in verse by William Whitehead that had premiered the previous month, and Franklin does not miss the opportunity to gently tease her about the title: “Your good Mama bids me tell you, that she has made Enquiry and finds that the School for Lovers will not be acted till the Benefits are over; but when she hears that it is to be acted she will send you timely Notice. I need not add, that your and your Friends Company at Dinner that Day will be a great Pleasure to us all. But methinks ’tis a Pity, that when you are so desirous of studying in that School, it should not be open, and must we be depriv’d of the Happiness of seeing you till it is? Rather than that should be, I would almost venture to undertake reading you a few Lectures on the Subject myself.” Franklin requests that she send Dalibard’s translation of his work (which he terms “the French Letters, on Electricity”) to him “as a Friend is desirous of perusing them.” He closes by sending his “sincere Respects to Mrs. Tickell, Mrs. Rooke, Miss Pitt, etc.,” but adds a postscript that has evidently not previously appeared in print: “P. S. We were greatly alarm’d in the Night between Friday & Saturday by a Fire at the Bottom of the Street that has almost destroy’d two Houses. Our House & Yard were cover’d with falling Coals of Fire but as it rain’d hard nothing catch’d. We mov’d a few of the most valuable Things; but suffer’d no Damage, tho’ we lost——some Rest.” This bit of news, since it concerned her mother’s house, might well have been quite distressing to Stevenson, which is undoubtedly why Franklin added a joke to the conclusion. REFERENCES Papers of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Cohn, 37:144–145 (not locating the original, text [surprisingly accurate, but lacking the postscript entirely] taken from Stan V. Henkels, Catalogue No. 1262) PROVENANCE Stan V. Henkels, Catalogue No. 1262, The Great Autograph Sale, 1 July 1920, lot 31 (undesignated consignor) — Robert L. McNeil Jr., of Philadelphia (acquired by Snider from the McNeil estate through the offices of Joe Rubinfine American Historical Autographs)

View 1 of Lot 82: Benjamin Franklin | A lesson in electricity, later printed in Experiments and Observations

benjamin franklin | a lesson in electricity, later printed in experiments and observations

(Benjamin Franklin) Pennsylvania Hospital Promissory Notes: an extensive collection of approximately 267 accomplished and approximately 80 unaccomplished promissory notes for the subscription to raise funds for the establishment of the Pennsylvania Hospital, most accomplished notes with pledgees’ signatures clipped (done upon full receipt of pledge) and with extensive docketing and endorsements on verso tracking payment. [Philadelphia: Printed by Benjamin Franklin and David Hall, 1751–1754; accomplished 1751–1798] The notes in two formats, the larger, quarto format (ca. 216 x 165 mm, with wide variation and irregularity) typically printed with two promissory notes on the recto; disbound from three separate volumes and housed in individual sleeves within custom three-ring buckram binders, which also house the well-worn calf covers of the original bindings (not in Miller); the smaller, oblong octavo format (ca. 95 x 160 mm) printed with one promissory note on the recto, one note (Mordecai Lewis’s pledge of $100, 22 December 1797), with the red wax seal of witness Charles Caldwell; bound in three volumes, contemporary marbled boards, rebacked and recornered in brown calf (Miller 598). An extraordinary collection of primary material relating to the founding of the first hospital in the United States. As Franklin wrote in his Account of the Pennsylvania Hospital (see following lot), “About the End of the Year 1750, some Persons, who had frequent Opportunities of observing the Distress of such distemper'd Poor as from Time to Time came to Philadelphia, for the Advice and Assistance of the Physicians and Surgeons of that City, how difficult it was for them to procure suitable Lodgings, and other Conveniences proper for their respective Cases, and how expensive the Providing good and careful Nurses, and other Attendants, for want whereof, many must suffer greatly, and some probably perish, that might otherwise have been restored to Health and Comfort, … and considering moreover, that even the poor Inhabitants of this City, tho' they had Homes, yet were therein but badly accommodated in Sickness, … several of the Inhabitants of the Province … did charitably consult together, and confer with their Friends and Acquaintances, on the best Means of relieving the Distressed, under those Circumstances, and an Infirmary, or Hospital, … being proposed, was so generally approved, that there was Reason to expect a considerable Subscription from the Inhabitants of this City, towards the Support of such an Hospital, but the Expence of erecting a Building sufficiently large and commodious for the Purpose, it was thought would be too heavy, unless the Subscription could be made general through the Province, and some Assistance could be obtained from the Assembly. …” Franklin himself conceived the scheme of obtaining a £2,000 grant for the Hospital from the provincial Assembly, providing a like amount could be raised by private donation. The Assembly made a condition of the matching grant that subscribers sign a penal bond requiring them to pay twice the pledged amount should the subscription not be fulfilled by a certain date. Franklin and Hall printed the promissory notes (the early issues of which are not recorded in Miller’s Bibliography), and the £2,000 goal was easily met. The earliest promissory notes provide a virtual who's who of mid-eighteenth-century Philadelphia, while the later books record the continued support the Hospital received from the community. The contributors documented in what was the first subscription book represent many of the earliest and most essential subscribers to the Hospital, including Israel Pemberton, the “King of the Quakers” (promissory note “No. 1”) and his merchant son Israel Pemberton Jr. (£100 each); physicians William Shippen (£10), Thomas Cadwalader (£25), and John Redman (£10); merchant and statesman Isaac Norris (£100); Anthony Morris, brewer, merchant, and mayor of Philadelphia (£70); Thomas Say, father of the pioneering American naturalist (£10); Samuel Rhoads, colonial architect and mayor of Philadelphia (£10); Caspar Wistar, glassmaker and one of the first German colonists in Pennsylvania (£50); Quaker merchant Reese Meredith (£40), later expelled by the Quakers for funding the privateer Warren; shipper Charles Stedman (£40); and merchant Joseph Wharton (£50). In all, these initial subscriptions totalled more than the £2,000 necessary for the Assembly’s matching disbursement, including a £25 pledge from Franklin himself and £10 from his printing partner, David Hall. The pledge-notes are accompanied by a contemporary manuscript index of the early subscribers; several notes are witnessed by Timothy Matlack, who in mid-July 1776 would engross the text of the Declaration of Independence on vellum for the signatures of the delegates to the Continental Congress. In his Autobiography, Franklin credits his “particular friend” Dr. Thomas Bond with first conceiving the idea of establishing a hospital in Philadelphia, but he also observes that “I do not remember any of my political manoeuvres, the success of which gave me at the time more pleasure, or wherein, after thinking of it, I more easily excus'd myself for having made some use of cunning.” The founding of the Pennsylvania Hospital was one of Franklin's proudest and most important achievements. The present archive offers an unparalleled perspective on Franklin's role in the founding of this major American institution. PROVENANCE Sotheby’s, 16 June 1992, lot 170 (undesignated consignor)

View 1 of Lot 60: (Benjamin Franklin) | The founding—and funding—of the Pennsylvania Hospital

(benjamin franklin) | the founding—and funding—of the pennsylvania hospital

Benjamin Franklin Autograph letter signed (“BFranklin,” with paraph) to his grandson William Temple Franklin (“Dear Child”), one page (234 x 180 mm) on a leaf of laid paper (watermarked Pro Patria with Maid of Dort, countermarked crowned GR), Passy, 29 August 1784, regarding the purchase of a printing press, with a four-line postscript dated “Sept. 1” written longitudinally in the left margin, two reception/file dockets on verso; fold separations and repairs with a few tiny losses not affecting text. Half black morocco folding-case gilt, chemise. With ratified versions of the Treaty of Paris having been exchanged in Paris three months earlier, Franklin turns his attention to an earlier interest of his: printing presses. He asks his grandson, and personal secretary, William Temple Franklin to obtain an English-made press for a friend in Paris. The younger Franklin—having just learned that he was not to be retained as secretary of the new United States commission to France, headed by Thomas Jefferson, but to be replaced by David Humphreys—was travelling to London to try to reconcile with his father, the Loyalist William Franklin, and to try to persuade some of his grandfather’s friends, including Mary “Polly” Hewson and William Strahan to return with him to Passy. “I received last Night your Letter from Calais, and was glad to hear you were so far safe.— “When I liv’d in London, there was a Letter-founder of the Name of Moore who liv’d somewhere near Moorfields. He made Printing-Presses of a new Construction, which I lik’d much, and bought one for Lord le Despencer. I have undertaken to procure one for a Friend here, and desire you would buy it, & send it to Calais by the Stage from London first to Dover; or, which is better, by some Vessel to Rouen.— That which I bought cost I think but 5 Guineas: perhaps they may now be cheaper.—” According to a note in the Papers, “In 1771 the typefounder Isaac Moore patented, with his partner William Pine, a lever-and-fulcrum press and a screw press with a detachable fly weight. It is not known which of these [Franklin] bought for Baron Le Despencer (Sir Francis Dashwood).” The friend for whom Franklin was ordering a second Moore press was Etienne-Alexandre-Jacques Anisson-Duperon (known as Anisson fils), who would write to Franklin on 8 November 1784 to remind him of “la nouvelle presse angloise que aviez bien voulu me promettre de me faire venir de Londres.” Two days later, Franklin assured Anisson fils that William Temple “writes to me that he has bought your Press, which cost Eight Guineas; and that it will be sent by a Ship to Rouen” (Papers 43:246, 262). Franklin relays other news, including having dined with the Adamses, British peace commissioner David Hartley, patroness of the arts and sciences Anne-Catherine de Ligniville d’Autricourt Helvétius, and others. According to the journal of the younger Abigail Adams, the party also included John Paul Jones. “M. le Veillard is better, & gets up.— I think I am better too. I din’d yesterday at Auteuil with Mr. Adams. Made. Helvetius took me there in her Coach, & Mr Hartley brought me home; and I suffer’d no Inconvenience.” Louis-Guillaume Le Veillard was Franklin’s close friend and neighbor in Passy, proprietor of a mineral-water aquifer that provided both drinking water and a spa; he was guillotined during the Terror. Franklin continues: “Aug. 30. I intended this for the Post of this Day, but have been prevented.— I shall try to write some others to send with it by Mr Hartley’s Courier on Thursday—”; and then makes a final request: “Bring with you two or three small Pencils, black lead, for my Pencil Case. They must not be bigger in Diameter than this Circle [Franklin has drawn a circle five mm in diameter]. I am ever Your affectionate Grandfather.” The postscript adds, “I have not had time to write any other Letters, the Commrs. meeting every Day at my House— All well.— M. Le Veillard excepted; but he is better.—” Benjamin Franklin urged William Temple (the illegitimate son of Franklin’s own acknowledged extra-marital son, William) to undertake this trip to England partly to avoid embarrassment at having lost his position, but more importantly, to act as go-between between his father and grandfather. Responding to an overture from Benjamin, William Franklin had written to his father in the summer of 1784, stating that “Ever since the Termination of the unhappy Contest between Great Britain and America, I have been anxious to write to you, and to endeavour to revive that affectionate Intercourse and Connexion which till the Commencement of the late Troubles had been the Pride and Happiness of my Life. … Now I have broken the Ice, many Things occur which I much want an Opportunity to mention; too many, indeed, for the Limits of a Letter, and some of them respecting private Family Affairs, of a very important Nature, that cannot well be adjusted without a personal Interview. I shall therefore, if you are not likely to be soon in England, be happy to have your Approbation to wait on you at Paris” (Papers 42:432–436). Franklin’s response, 16 August 1784, was both warm and reserved: “I received your Letter of the 22d past, and am glad to find that you desire to revive the affectionate Intercourse that formerly existed between us. It will be very agreable to me. Indeed nothing has ever hurt me so much and affected me with such keen Sensations, as to find my self deserted in my old Age by my only Son; and not only deserted, but to find him taking up Arms against me, in a Cause wherein my good Fame, Fortune and Life were all at Stake. … This is a disagreable Subject. I drop it. And we will endeavour as you propose mutually to forget what has happened relating to it, as well as we can.— … I shall be glad to see you when convenient, but would not have you come here at present. You may confide to your Son the Family Affairs you wished to confer upon with me, for he is discreet” (Papers 43:8–12). Resolving these “Family Affairs”—not procuring a printing press—was the true purpose of the trip being undertaken by William Temple Franklin at the time this letter was written. Correspondence from Franklin to William Temple is surprisingly scarce since they were so often in each other’s company. REFERENCES Papers of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Cohn, 43:72–73 PROVENANCE Christie’s New York, 15 December 2005, lot 232 (“The Property of a Gentleman”)

View 1 of Lot 127: Benjamin Franklin | Ordering a printing press—and opening reconciliation with his son

benjamin franklin | ordering a printing press—and opening reconciliation with his son

Jonathan Edwards The Distinguishing Marks of a Work of the Spirit of God. Applied to the Uncommon Operation that has Lately Appeared on the Minds of Many of the People of the Land. … A discourse delivered at New-Haven, September 10th, 1741. … Boston, Printed: Philadelphia: Re-printed and Sold by Benjamin Franklin, in Market-Street, 1742 8vo (154 x95 mm). Typographic ornaments in text, occasional annotations; Light even toning, a few small spots and stains, corners rounded, text-block trimmed close and skimming the footnotes on p. iv, occasional creasing and one small loss (leaf E3) at corners, a thin hole in the title-page affecting four lines of text, small loss at the tail of the gutter in the last two leaves just touching a catchword and a few lines of text. Disbound; the first gathering sewn, a few remnants of early sewing in the text. Half green morocco folding-case, chemise. The exceedingly rare Franklin edition of Jonathan Edwards's important sermon on identifying God's true works, written in defense of the First Great Awakening by one of the movement's pivotal leaders. This sermon was given at Yale College in September of 1741. The college's administration had invited their esteemed alumnus, a child prodigy who matriculated at the age of 13 and graduated as valedictorian, back to campus to give a commencement speech. They hoped that Edwards would quell certain revivalist students' extreme behaviors. What they got was something else entirely. As the First Great Awakening stretched into the 1740s, Edwards and his fellow revivalists faced increasing backlash from orthodox church leaders, who argued that his movement favored emotionalism and individualism over theology and authority. Jonathan Edwards responded in this work, presenting a well-considered argument in support of the evangelical revival. He cautiously defended the revivalists' penchant for fire and brimstone preaching, and addressed the ecstatic swooning and convulsing that was common in evangelical congregations. He explained that these "bodily effects," though not marks of God in themselves, were signs of an increased love of Christ, scripture, and truth among his congregants. The text is an expanded version of Edwards' Yale sermon, with a preface by the Reverend William Cooper of Boston. The first edition was published in Boston by S. Kneeland and T. Green in 1741. Four subsequent editions were published the following year, in London, Glasgow, Edinburgh, and the present Philadelphia edition put out by Franklin, a testament to the sermon's widespread popularity. Rare—ESTC lists just four institutions with copies (though none are at Yale), and apparently this copy is the last example offered at auction, in 1919, and this is the only example we can trace in private hands. REFERENCES Miller 279; ESTC W18765; Evans 4937; Hildeburn 760; Johnson, Edwards 51; T. A. Schafer, "Jonathan Edwards" in Encyclopedia Britannica, March 18, 2026 (https://www.britannica.com/biography/Jonathan-Edwards) PROVENANCE Arnold Boyd (early ownership signature on title) — Evidently the copy sold at Henkels on 26 June, 1919, "Important Historical and Literary Sale. From the Library of Caesar Rodney, Signer of the Declaration of Independence …," lot 202 ("unbound. … The present copy is time-stained, and the corners rounded, or as we say cat-eared.")

View 1 of Lot 26: Jonathan Edwards | A rare Franklin imprint written in defense of early evangelicalism

jonathan edwards | a rare franklin imprint written in defense of early evangelicalism

Johann Arndt Des hocherleuchteten Theologi, Herrn Johann Arndts, Weiland General-Superintendenten des Fürstenthums Lüneburg, &c. sämtliche sechs geistreiche Bücher vom wahren Christenthum, das ist: von heilsamer Busse, hertzlicher Reue und Leid über die Sünde, wahrem Glauben, auch heiligem Leben und Wandel der rechten wahren Christen. Philadelphia: Gedruckt und verlegt bey Benjamin Fräncklin und Johann Böhm, 1751 Thick 8vo (182 x 118 mm). Six parts bound as one, printed in Fraktur types, with woodcut and typographic ornaments in the text, and with 64 engraved plates, including two frontispieces, the portrait of Arndt and David and Goliath, the plates at the beginning of each of the six parts, and the 56 emblems; toning, dampstaining, and occasional spotting, textblock trimmed close, touching a scant few headlines and one platemark, tiny losses and wear at the edges and short tears at the head of the frontispieces, tear to leaf 2P2 affecting the printed marginalia, leaves 3X3-6 sprung at the top of the gutter but holding, a tiny tear at the edge of leaf 4U2. Contemporary mottled sheep, blind-ruled, spine with raised bands in six compartments; light rubbing and a few small spots of wear mostly to extremities, superficial craquelure in the spine, joints expertly restored, hinges cracked but the sewing is sound. Half red morocco slipcase, chemise. "One of the great publishing feats of the colonial American German press, and a monument to the short-lived partnership of Franklin and Johann Böhm" (Miller). "The largest book printed in Philadelphia up to this time, and one of the rarest of Franklin Imprints" (Evans). This emblematic devotional text by Johann Arndt was first printed in Frankfurt between 1605 and 1609, and became very popular among German separatist Pietists. The engraved emblems were added by the end of the seventeenth century. Franklin and Böhm's edition is based on the text of the 1727 reprint of the 1696 Leipzig edition, which included additional emblems and explanatory text. Franklin would occasionally employ or partner with German-speaking printers. "Johann Böhm (d. July 1751) printed at least eight pieces with Franklin's German types from 1749 to 1751, using Franklin's name as co-printer" (Lemay, Life II, p. 398). They decided to publish this edition by subscription, priced at 12 shillings, in an edition of 500 copies bound in sheep, as stated in an advertisement that appeared in Saur's German-language newspaper, Pensylvanische Berichte, on 16 May 1749. In the end, they sold 511 subscriptions, mostly to German Reformed and Lutheran congregations throughout Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York. The engraved plates following the frontispieces were likely imported from Germany. "Edge marks suggest that the emblems were arranged in blocks of fours on the copper plates; they and the accompanying letterpress were separately machined and carry their own set of signatures: A-G⁸, a practice common in the German printing of large illustrated books, but rare in English colonial publishing" (Miller). Though a few copies of this work have appeared at auction in the past 25 years, this is an exceptional example — it is complete with all the called-for engravings, and is in a contemporary sheep binding, as Franklin and Böhm intended. REFERENCES Miller 520; ESTC W18571; Evans 6630; Hildeburn 1204 PROVENANCE Burton William Pearl (bookplate)

View 1 of Lot 57: Johann Arndt | The largest book printed on Franklin's press, a German-language devotional with engraved emblems

johann arndt | the largest book printed on franklin's press, a german-language devotional with engraved emblems

William Franklin The Answer of his Excellency William Franklin, Esq; Governor of His Majesty's Province of New-Jersey, to the invidious Charges of the Proprietary Party, contained in a Libel, read by Mr. James Biddle, Clerk of the Common Pleas for the County of Philadelphia, on Saturday last, and afterwards published and industriously dispersed through the Province. [Philadelphia: Printed by B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1765] Letterpress broadside (317 x 206 mm) on a half-sheet of laid paper (watermark indistinct); lightly browned and foxed. Writing here as governor of New Jersey, William Franklin refutes the allegations made by James Biddle that Benjamin Franklin had helped to plan and promote the Stamp Act and that William had prevented the New Jersey assembly in joining the general colonial protests against it. Biddle’s broadside, titled “To the Freeholders and Electors Of the Province of Pennsylvania,” was printed in Philadelphia by William Bradford (ESTC W1374; Evans 9915). Biddle wrote, “As another annual election is now approaching … You have seen too how the same faction have gratified an ambitious man in frequent embassies to England, under pretence of extinguishing a flame designedly kindled by himself! … Nay, that the stamp-act has been long a favorite scheme of his, is clear from a manuscript written by him about eight years ago.” Here Franklin’s son responds, his answer datelined Burlington, October 1, 1765: “Whereas a Report has, for some Time past, been circulated, That the Governor of this Province received the Letter sent by the Speaker of the General Court of Massachusetts Bay, to the Speaker of the Assembly of New-Jersey, detained it in his Possession till the last Day of the late Meeting at Burlington, and by his Management, prevailed on the Assembly not to accept of the Invitation to send Commissioners to New-York. And whereas a Paper has been printed and published at Philadelphia, positively asserting, ‘That the Governor of New-Jersey has made strong Efforts to subdue the Spirit of Liberty in his Government, and arbitrarily refuses to give his Assembly an Opportunity to join the other Assemblies in decent Remonstrances against the Stamp Law, although Nine Tenths of the People of the Jerseys now vehemently desire it. …’ Now this is to assure the Public, that so far from my having received and detained the above mentioned Letter, I have not even yet seen it. …” Franklin continues, “I should not have thought it necessary to give this publick Refutation of the Falshoods contained in the Report and Paper abovementioned, had they not been propagated and published with a View of taking Advantage of the present Commotions to excite a Difference between me and a People for whom I have a great Regard, and with whom I have lived in uninterrupted Harmony ever since my Arrival in the Government.” Pivoting to the charges made against his father, William is even more zealous in his response: “As to what is contained in the said Paper relative to my Father's being concerned in the planning and promoting the Stamp Act, it is grossly false, and consequently a shameful Imposition on the People. Not a Gentleman of the Proprietary Party, even among those who scruple not to aver the Truth of it in Conversation, can, I am convinced, be found so hardened as to avow in Print, with his Name subscribed, that he believes it to be true, or to undertake to produce any Proofs in its Support.—My Father is absent—but he has left Friends enough on the Spot, who are both capable and willing to clear him of any Aspersions which the Malice of the Proprietary Party can suggest. To those Friends I leave the Defence of his Reputation, if it can need any, being determined to concern myself no farther with the Disputes of Pensylvania than as they relate to my Character, or have Reference to the publick Transactions of this Province.” According to Franklin and Hall’s Workbook, Joseph Galloway paid them £2.5.0 on 3 October 1765 to print one thousand copies of William Franklin’s broadside Answer. Today, though, only perhaps four copies survive: ESTC records copies only at the Library Company of Philadelphia and the University of Pennsylvania; and just two copies appear in Rare Book Hub, none for more than fifty years: a copy at a sale conducted by Stan Henkels at Thos. Birch’s Sons, Philadelphia, in 1892, and an apparent Library Company duplicate sold at Parke-Bernet, 20 January 1970, lot 6. The Snider copy is likely the one sold in 1970. REFERENCES Miller 837; ESTC W36526; Evans 9973; Hildeburn 2125; Campbell 713

View 1 of Lot 98: William Franklin | A refutation of a "grossly false" charge against his father

william franklin | a refutation of a "grossly false" charge against his father

[Sammelband] — William Law An Extract from a Treatise … called the Spirit of Prayer; or, the Soul Rising Out of the Vanity of Time, into the Riches of Eternity. Philadelphia: Printed by B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1760 [Bound with:] Thomas Hartley. A Discourse on Mistakes concerning Religion, Enthusiasm, Experience, &c. London Printed. Germantown: reprinted by Christopher Sower, 1759 [i.e., 1760] [issued with:] William Dell. Christ's Spirit, a Christian's Strength. Or, A Plain Discovery of the Mighty and Invisible Power, that all Believers Receive through the Gift of the Spirit. … The Stumbling Stone, wherein the University is Reproved (caption title). Germantown: Printed by Christopher Sower. 1760. [And bound with:] [Anthony Benezet]. A Short Account of that part of Africa, Inhabited by the Negroes. With … the Manner by which the Slave Trade is carried on. Extracted from divers authors, in order to Shew the Iniquit of that Trade, and the Falsity of the Arguments usually advanced in its Vindication. … the Second Edition, with large Additions and Amendments. Philadelphia: John Dunlap, 1762 Together 3 separate works, with four title-pages, bound in a single-volume, 8vo (189 x 120 mm). Light toning, occasional spots and stains, paper repairs to the front free endpaper, the first title-page with chipping along the edges, a manuscript couplet of religious verse to the front free endpaper, and early manicules in the William Law text. In period-style quarter calf with blue paper boards; retaining some of the quite soiled but contemporary blue paper boards. A rare contemporary association copy, a sammelband of Quaker texts, published in Philadelphia between 1759 and 1762, including a Franklin and Hall imprint. Presentation copy, inscribed on the title-page by Anthony Benezet (1713–1784), the important Quaker educator and abolitionist. The recipient was George Dillwyn (1738-1820), a Quaker minister. Benezet's anti-slavery treatise, printed by John Dunlap, appears last in the Sammelband. The work combines moral, scriptural, and historical arguments to make a strong case against the transatlantic slave trade, in support of recognizing the common humanity of enslaved Africans. Benezet also founded America's first public girls school in 1755, and a school for black children in 1770. Regarding Franklin's work, Miller notes that "the inclusion of this piece in a 'Collection of Devotional Tracts' (1760) along with the treatises of William Dell and John Rutty suggests that its printing was commissioned by the Society of Friends in Philadelphia. The work was first published in London, 1750." REFERENCES Law: Miller 731; ESTC W32231; Evans 8633; Sabin 39324. Hartley and Dell: ESTC W30837; Evans 8364, 8576, 8577; Hildeburn 1628, 1667; Sabin 30696. Benezet: ESTC W29401; Evans 9067; Hildeburn 1786

View 1 of Lot 81: William Law | Franklin and Hall imprint with a presentation inscription from the important Quaker educator Anthony Benezet, bound in a Sammelband

william law | franklin and hall imprint with a presentation inscription from the important quaker educator anthony benezet, bound in a sammelband

Benjamin Franklin Letterpress broadside document signed (“BFranklin Presidt.,” with paraph) as President of the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, printed on a half-sheet of laid paper (195 x 304 mm, sight), Philadelphia, 1 August 1775, accomplished in a clerical hand, being Nicholas Biddle's commission as Captain of a provincial armed boat called the Franklin, countersigned by the Secretary of the Committee (“Wm. Govett Sect:y”), fine embossed paper seal of the Committee (motto “This Is My Right & I Will Defend It” encircling a liberty cap); rebacked with tissue, lightly browned, tiny holes at some intersecting folds touching two letters. Matted, framed, and glazed with Plexiglas. Headed “In Committee of Safety,” the present document commissions Biddle and details his responsibilities: “To Nicholas Biddle Esquire. We reposing especial trust and confidence in your Patriotism, Valour, Conduct and Fidelity, Do by these Presents constitute and appoint you to be Captain of the Provincial Armed Boat, called the Franklin fitted out for the protection of the Province of Pennsylvania, and the Commerce of the River Delaware, against all hostile Enterprizes, and for the defence of American Liberty: You are therefore to take the said Boat into your charge, and carefully and diligently to discharge the duty of Captain by doing and performing all manner of things thereunto belonging. And we do strictly charge and require all Officers, Soldiers and Mariners under your command, to be obedient to your orders, as Captain[.] And you are to observe, and follow such orders and directions from time to time, as you all receive from the Assembly or Provincial Convention, during their sessions, or from this or a future Committee of Safety for this Province, or from your superior Officer, according to the Rules and Dicipline of War, pursuant to the trust reposed in you; this Commission to continue in force until revoked by the Assembly or Provincial Convention, or by this or any succeeding Committee of Safety. By order of the Committee.” Nicholas Biddle (1750–1778), a native of Philadelphia, entered the merchant marine when he was just thirteen, and in 1770 he was appointed a midshipman in the Royal British Navy. After the Boston Tea Party, he resigned from the British service. Despite his youth, Biddle’s experience was recognized by the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, and he was commissioned a captain and given command of a Pennsylvania row-galley, the Franklin. The Franklin patrolled the Delaware River, and possibly the Schuylkill as well, but less than three months after receiving the present commission, the Continental Congress officially established a Continental Navy. Biddle, longing for more action and more guns, left the service of his home state and accepted command, successively, of the USS Andrew Doria and the USS Randolph, becoming one of the first five captains appointed to the Continental Navy. (The present commission has sometimes been misinterpreted as giving Biddle command of the Continental schooner Franklin, which was fitted out from a Marblehead fishing vessel as part of "Washington's Navy," but Biddle never served on her.) Biddle captured many British prizes, but he was killed at his post when the Randolph was sunk by HMS Yarmouth off Barbados, 7 March 1778. Between 1901 and 1967, four US Navy ships were named for Biddle. This is an exceptionally rare form of document; Benjamin Franklin was president of the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety only from 3 July 1775 until August 1776, when he was succeeded by Thomas Wharton Jr. Franklin had just returned to Philadelphia in May 1775 from London, where he had been resident for a decade. Over the course of the next year, in addition to being named President of the commonwealth’s Committee of Safety, he was appointed as first Postmaster General of the United States and elected to the Second Continental Congress, which in 1776 appointed him to the Committee of Five that drafted the Declaration of Independence. At the end of October 1776, Franklin sailed to Paris as the American Commissioner to France, an office that would be officially recognized as Minister Plenipotentiary after France had acknowledged the independence of the United States. Rare Book Hub records only three Committee of Safety appointments signed by Franklin, none since 1979 and all for commissions in the First Battalion of Pennsylvania Associators. No other Pennsylvania Committee of Safety naval appointments can be traced in the auction records. REFERENCES Tim McGrath, "I Fear Nothing," in Naval History, Vol. 29, No. 4 (August 2015) PROVENANCE Nicolas Biddle (recipient), by family descent to — Christine Biddle Wainwright (Doyle, 4 May 2022, lot 1122)

View 1 of Lot 111: Benjamin Franklin | Franklin commissions the captain of an eponymous naval vessel

benjamin franklin | franklin commissions the captain of an eponymous naval vessel

Benjamin Franklin Autograph document signed (“Errors excepted per BFranklin,” with large paraph) as colonial agent for Georgia, signed a second time (“BFranklin”) in text, one page on a quarter sheet of paper (165 x 295 mm), Philadelphia, 7 October 1776, being an invoice to the Province of Georgia for “three Years Service as their Agent in England”; browned, laid down on heavier stock, closing some tiny losses and fold separations, with some abrasion and loss of surface paper but costing only a single letter of text and a few very short sections of rules. Half green morocco folding-case gilt, chemise. Franklin’s long tenure as Colonial Agent in England for Pennsylvania (1757–1775) is well known and studied, and, because of his entanglement with the Hutchinson letters, so is his service in the same role for Massachusetts (1771–1775). But Franklin also represented the affairs of two other North American colonies in Parliament: New Jersey (1769–1775 [concurrent with his son William’s term as royal governor of that province]) and Georgia (1768–1774). “The Doctor was appointed Georgia agent in the spring of 1768 as a compromise selection, in the hope that his appointment would end a two-year feud between the two houses of the Georgia legislature. For two years the lower house had attempted to appoint Charles Garth, who was already serving as South Carolina's agent. The upper house consistently refused to concur in the appointment of Garth, and Governor James Wright had backed the upper house by persuading officials in London not to receive Garth as Georgia's agent. Hoping to end the political stalemate, Wright responded positively in the early months of 1768 when the lower house proposed Franklin for the agency. Although the upper house exhibited little enthusiasm for the Doctor, its members went along. … The effective date of Franklin's appointment was 1 June 1768, and the ordinance by which it was made, called upon the new agent to ‘follow and pursue all such instructions, as he shall from time to time receive from the General Assembly’ or from the Assembly's Committee of Correspondence, which was to consist of nine men from the lower house and five from the upper house. Seven members of the committee constituted a quorum and could send instructions, as long as at least two members from the upper house were present when the committee met. The new agent's salary was to be £100 per year over and above expenses” (Morgan, pp. 136–37). Franklin’s formal appointment as Agent for Georgia lapsed on 1 June 1771 and was never renewed, although he continued to represent the colony’s interests. In March 1774, Grey Elliott, a Georgia planter resident in London, was appointed as alternate Colonial Agent for Georgia, with power to act in Franklin’s absence. At the time Franklin sent this invoice, he had been back in America for more than a year and was shortly to sail the Atlantic again for Paris. He had evidently received no monies from Georgia for almost six years. Franklin’s neat statement of accounts is headed “Province of Georgia to BFranklin.” The left column lists his fees and expenses, which total £439.5.11: “To three Years Service as their Agent in England at 100£ Sterling per Ann.} £300.0.0 “To Cash paid for a Mace, Gowns, &c.——107.12.9 “To Do. paid Thos. Life Esqr. Sollicetor 16.1.2 “To Coach & Chair hire, Fees at Offices, and other small Expenses————} 15.12.0” In the right column, Franklin details his compensation received, which leaves him a “Balance” due of £219.5.11: “1770 June 20. By a Bill of Exchange———£100.0.0 “Dec. 11. By Ditto2 Bills————£120.0.0” Franklin’s claim for his agreed to annual salary is unremarkable, as are the charges for various “small Expenses” and for the lawyer Thomas Life, who was appointed to serve with Richard Jackson as London agent for Connecticut in 1760, but who frequently acted as Franklin’s lawyer, including during the Hutchinson letters affair. Less justifiable, perhaps, was the more than £107 charged for the ceremonial regalia required for his attendance at Parliament, which must assuredly already been part of his wardrobe. The Franklin Papers record the final settlement for Franklin’s Massachusetts agency, £1,851 allocated by the colony’s House of Representatives on 23 October 1775 (Papers 22:243–244). Massachusetts had a particular motivation to stay in Franklin’s good graces, as he had been appointed, 30 September 1775, together with Benjamin Harrison of Virginia and Thomas Lynch of South Carolina, to a committee of the Continental Congress to meet at Cambridge with George Washington, recently appointed commander in chief of the newly formed Continental Army, and representatives of the New England colonies to address the commander’s concerns and determine “the most effectual method of continuing, supporting, and regulating a continental army.” Indeed, the very day the committee was appointed, Massachusetts congressional delegate John Adams wrote to James Warren, speaker of the Massachusetts House, asking, “Will it not be excellent Politicks to make Dr Franklin welcome by making him a grant of what is due to him from the Province? if you grant it in your provisional Paper, I suppose you can change it for him into continental” (cf. Papers of John Adams 3:173 and Letters of Delegates to Congress 2:80–81 note). Interestingly, Adams’s letter was carried to Warren by Franklin. Georgia may not have felt the same incentive to settle her debt to Franklin; at the least, there is no record in the Papers of Benjamin Franklin that she did so. On 25 October 1776, Franklin sent a copy of his invoice—almost certainly the present document—to Savannah doctor and statesman Noble Wimberly Jones, explaining, “Being just about to embark for Europe, I take the Liberty of troubling you with my Acct. and requesting you would be so good as to procure an Adjustment of it from your Government, and remit the Sum you receive to my Son-in-law Richard Bache, Secretary of the General Post Office Residing in this Place, whose Rect. shall be a Discharge” (Papers 22:670–671). Franklin’s letter to Jones is now held by the Massachusetts Historical Society, but the enclosed accounting is no longer with it. In a note, the Papers point out that a transcription of the invoice “dated Philadelphia, Oct. 7, 1776, which may have been what he enclosed,” was published in The Historical Magazine and Notes and Queries Concerning the Antiquities, History, and Biography of America, vol. 1 (1857), p. 311, “and has since disappeared.” The note describing Franklin’s account with Georgia is signed “W. S. P.,” and the author stated that the document was in his possession. This may well have been William Stevens Perry (1832–1898), an Episcopal bishop and educator; see William Cushing, Initials and Pseudonyms: A Dictionary of Literary Disguises (New York, 1886). REFERENCES David T. Morgan, The Devious Dr. Franklin, Colonial Agent: Benjamin Franklin’s Years in London (Mercer University Press, 1996), passim PROVENANCE Probably William Stevens Perry (see above) — Christie’s New York, 18 June 2020, lot 92 (undesignated consignor)

View 1 of Lot 113: Benjamin Franklin | "three Years Service as [Georgia's] Agent in England at 100£ Sterling per Ann.".

benjamin franklin | "three years service as [georgia's] agent in england at 100£ sterling per ann.".

[Moravian Church — Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf]

[Moravian Church — Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf] The Remarks, which the Author of the Compendious Extract, &c. In the Preface to his Book, Has friendly desired of The Rev. of Thurenstein, for the Time Pastor of the Lutheran Congregation of J.C. in Philadelphia. Philadelphia: Printed and Sold by B. Franklin, 1742 8vo (163 x 96 mm). Typographic ornaments in text, 2 pp. advertisement at rear, extra illustrated with a tipped-in cutting of a photographic-reproduction of Benjamin West's portrait of Benjamin Franklin at the rear free endpaper; a few minor spots in the text, light offsetting from since-removed ephemera to front free endpapers, altogether a fresh copy. Finely bound in late nineteenth- or early twentieth-century full crushed red morocco by Stikeman, spine, boards, board edges and turn ins gilt, all edges gilt; joints lightly rubbed, tiny spots of wear at upper corners, front free endpaper detached. The first edition in English of Count Zinzendorf's response to an anonymous work attacking the Moravians. The anonymous attack, titled Compendious Extracts, was "said to be written by a group of Presbyterian clergymen, including Gilbert Tennent and Samuel Blair" (Miller). These Remarks are an English translation of Zinzendorf's Diejenigen Anmerkungen (Philadelphia: Gedrukkt [by Benjamin Franklin] und zu finden bei Isaias Warner, 1742). The fact that this work was translated is indicative of the Moravians' concern how they were viewed by English-speaking colonists. The Moravians were a group of Protestant dissenters with roots in Germany who had settled in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. They lived in a model community, sharing same-sex housing and working in communally owned enterprises. In 1741, the influential Moravian leader Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf, who authored this text under his pseudonym "The Rev. of Thurenstein," visited Philadelphia, where he met with Benjamin Franklin and various American Indian leaders. Though the church initially shared in some of the religious fervor of the First Great Awakening, they were later repudiated by reformist Presbyterians, who attacked them in publications like Compendious Extracts. Franklin printed twelve works for the Moravians in 1742, all attributed to Zinzendorf. According to Rare Book Hub, this is the only copy of this work to appear at auction since 1977. REFERENCES Miller 315; ESTC W17846; Evans 5108; Hildeburn 799; Sabin 106361; Martha K. Robinson, "Moravians," in The Encyclopedia of Greater Philadelphia (https://philadelphiaencyclopedia.org/essays/moravians/) PROVENANCE George Edward Dimock (bookplate) — Undesignated private collection (sold Freeman's, Fine Books and Manuscripts, 6 August 2014, lot 174)

View 1 of Lot 25: [Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf] — A response to an anonymous anti-Moravian tract, printed by Franklin

[count nikolaus ludwig von zinzendorf] — a response to an anonymous anti-moravian tract, printed by franklin

Jean Lattré Carte des Etats-Unis de L’Amerique Suivant le Traité de Paix de 1783. Dédiée et Présentée A.S. Excellence Mr. Benjamin Franklin Ministre Plénipotentarie des Etats-Unis de l’Amérique pres la Cour de France, ancien Président de la Pensilvanie et de la Societé Philosophique de Philadelphie, &c, &c. Paris: Delamarche, 1784 Engraved map on a full sheet, hand-colored, flanked on both sides by panels of engraved text (sheets in total: 580 x 1070 mm; neatline: 545 x 765 mm); old folds, a few minor marginal chips, splits, and tears, mostly closed, professionally backed with Japanese tissue. The first French map of the United States, and the first map of the newly formed nation to be published after the ratification of the Treaty of Paris, celebrating the Franco-American alliance, and dedicated to Benjamin Franklin. The first issue, first state, of the map, exceedingly rare with the flanking text panels. Jean Lattré's map of the United States covers the area from Canada to Florida, and from the East Coast to the Mississippi River. The geography draws heavily on earlier maps of North America, primarily John Mitchell's landmark 1755 A Map of the British and French Dominions in North America, a suitable source given that map's role in the boundary negotiations during the Treaty of Paris. It is notable that the United States' borders on Lattré's map do not exactly follow the boundaries that were agreed upon in the treaty, despite being printed a month after the treaty's ratification in May 1784. Instead, the map's primary purpose was journalistic, being an account of the chronology and geography of recent events in the Revolutionary War, rather than a detailed representation of the United State's new post-treaty borders. Lattré was likely influenced by his contemporaries in London, mapmakers like Jeffreys, Faden, and Sayer and Bennett, who often included text in their maps that summarized recent events, or provided other types of information. . The engraved text on the side panels, titled the "Principaux Evenemens Militaires entre les Americains et les Anglois," is organized both chronologically and by state, beginning in April 1775 with Massachusetts and the Battles of Lexington and Concord, and ending in October 1781 in Virginia with The Battle of York. Nearly all of the place names mentioned in the text, even small battles such as Lynch's Creek in South Carolina, are marked on the map. Particular attention is paid to the French forces that took part in the War, highlighting the close alliance between the two nations. Lafayette is mentioned specifically four times, including an amusing anecdote about General Howe promising the ladies of Philadelphia that he would capture the young French officer and bring him to them for dinner. Lattré dedicated his map to Benjamin Franklin, the minister plenipotentiary for the United States, who had been in France since 1776 encouraging French participation in the War. Franklin was incredibly popular in Paris, welcomed everywhere from salon society to the the Académie des Sciences. The map's cartouche, depicting a ship's stern, includes Franklin's own self-conceived, pseudo-aristocratic seal, shown being hung by a sailor on the yardarm. Franklin's seal is accompanied by two others—the recently designed Federal Seal of the United States, and the seal of the Society of the Cincinnati. This is the earliest known depiction of the Society's seal in print. This map is the first issue, first state, with Lattré's imprint, before the addition of the table listing the thirteen states, and before the addition of Washington, D.C., in the map and Vermont in the table. This separately published map is exceptionally rare when found with the flanking text panels. Only four complete copies have been identified: at the Library of Congress, the Library of the Society of the Cincinnati, an example of the second state that appeared recently in the trade, and the present example. Additionally, an example that was owned by a New York dealer appeared on the market in the 1980s with only one panel, while an example at Colonial Williamsburg has incomplete text. REFERENCES Pritchard and Taliaferro, Degrees of Latitude 70; Mary Sponberg Pedley, "A Map for Benjamin Franklin" (Ann Arbor: 2010); https://www.americanrevolutioninstitute.org/masterpieces-in-detail/first-french-map-of-the-united-states/

View 1 of Lot 128: Jean Lattré | The first French map of the newly formed United States of America, dedicated to Benjamin Franklin

jean lattré | the first french map of the newly formed united states of america, dedicated to benjamin franklin

Shelf Life: Books, Manuscripts and Works on Paper from the Library of Stanley J. Seeger and Christopher Cone

Jane Austen Pride and Prejudice: a novel in three volumes, by the author of "Sense and Sensibility." London: printed for T. Egerton, Military Library, Whitehall, 1813 FIRST EDITION, 3 volumes, 8vo (173 x 101 mm), paper watermarked "1808", near-contemporary half calf over paper-covered boards, spines gilt with urn tool and black morocco lettering pieces, housed in a modern folding box, lacking half-titles, some spotting, a few small marginal tears occasionally touching text, volume 2 with 4 leaves (pp. 113–116 and 101–104) transposed, ownership inscriptions slightly shaved (see catalogue note), joints and hinges expertly restored "It is a truth universally acknowledged, that a single man in possession of a good fortune, must be in want of a wife..." The first edition of the novel that introduced the world to Elizabeth Bennet and Fitzwilliam Darcy. Austen particularly cherished her heroine, Elizabeth, writing the day after Pride and Prejudice was published, "I must confess that I think her [Elizabeth] as delightful a creature as ever appeared in print, & how I shall be able to tolerate those who do not like her at least, I do not know." Jane Austen began the novel in 1796 and the first version had the title "First Impressions". The manuscript was originally rejected by Thomas Cadell and it was consequently left unfinished until 1811–1812, when Austen took it up again following the success of Sense and Sensibility. It evolved into Pride and Prejudice, and was published by Thomas Egerton in January 1813 in a run of approximately 1,500 copies, priced at 18 shillings. At this time, Austen wrote excitedly to her sister: "I want to tell you that I have got my own darling Child from London... The Advertisement is in our paper to day for the first time..." It sold immensely well, and a second edition followed in the autumn of that year. However, because the publisher had bought the copyright, Austen made little money from its success. One of the most-loved narratives of all time, the novel of manners has inspired countless adaptations and has sold over 20 million copies. The present copy is fascinating for its evidence of early female Scottish ownership, with each volume inscribed by "Christina Anderson, St. Germains", wife of the retired East India Company official David Anderson (1750–1828). David Anderson was a close friend and confidante of Warren Hastings, Governor of Bengal—a figure scandalously rumoured to have fathered an illegitimate child with Jane Austen's socialite aunt Philadelphia Austen Hancock. After a successful career in India, Anderson returned to Britain in 1785 as a man of considerable means. Following the typical trajectory of a "nabob" of the period, he used his colonial wealth to purchase a landed estate, St Germains House in Longniddry, East Lothian, and in 1788 he married Christina (née Findlay, d.1824), niece of the Governor of Gibraltar. Though in the present volumes, Christina's ownership inscriptions are slightly shaved, the bindings are evidently near-contemporary, suggesting that she inscribed them when the volumes were still in their contemporary wrappers and later had the set rebound. PROVENANCE: "Christina Anderson, St. Germains": early ownership inscription to titles; sale, Sotheby's New York, 22 June 1999, lot 321 LITERATURE: Gilson A3; Keynes 3; Sadleir 62b; Tinker 204; Grolier English 138

View 1 of Lot 5: Jane Austen | Pride and Prejudice, 1813, first edition, 3 volumes, contemporary half calf

jane austen | pride and prejudice, 1813, first edition, 3 volumes, contemporary half calf

John Dickinson Lettres d'un fermier de Pensylvanie, aux habitans de l'Amérique Septentrionale. Traduites de 'l Anglois [by Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg]. Amsterdam [but Paris], Aux Dépens de la Compagnie, 1769 8vo (166 x 103 mm). Woodcut headpiece, numerous woodcut tailpieces, with terminal blank R2; occasional very light browning. Contemporary French mottled calf, smooth spine gilt in compartments with green morocco title label, endpapers and edges marbled en suite; extremities a bit worn. Half red morocco slipcase, chemise. First edition in French of John Dickinson’s seminal work, with distinguished provenance. Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies was the first serious study of the legal rights of the British colonists in America. Dickinson’s letters first appeared in twelve successive issues of William Goddard’s Pennsylvania Chronicle, and Universal Advertiser, Nos. 46–57, 2 December 1767–15 February 1768. Goddard evidently recognized the immediate significance of Dickinson's letter-essays: eight of the dozen letters are printed on front pages. Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania were collected and reprinted as a pamphlet by Hall and Sellers in Philadelphia in 1768, and by the next year, at least eight editions—including the present—had been issued in the colonies and abroad. Dickinson was one of the leading colonial statesmen to advocate a peaceful reconciliation with—or separation from—Great Britain, but in this series of essays he first admitted that force of arms in the quest for liberty might be both necessary and justified. His evolving position on the relationship between the mother country and her North American colonies closely paralleled Benjamin Franklin’s own considerations on the matter, although Franklin became a much more radical voice. Benjamin Franklin was instrumental in having Dickinson’s work published in London and, in French translation, in Paris. He wrote the preface to Almon’s London edition, which is translated in the present: “When I consider our Fellow Subjects in America as rational Creatures, I cannot but wonder that during the present wide Difference of Sentiments in the two Countries concerning the Power of Parliament in laying Taxes and Duties on America, no Application has been made to their Understandings, no able learned Pen among us has been employed in convincing them that they are in the wrong, proving clearly that by the establish’d Law of Nations, or by the Terms of their original Constitution, they are taxable by our Parliament tho’ they have no Representative in it. … It is to that End I have handed the following Letters (lately published in America) to the Press here. They were occasioned by the act made (since the repeal of the Stamp-act) for raising a revenue in America by duties on glass, paper, &c. The Author is a Gentleman of Repute in that Country for his Knowledge of its Affairs, and it is said speaks the general Sentiments of the Inhabitants. How far these Sentiments are right or wrong I do not pretend at present to judge. I wish to see first what can be said on the other Side of this Question. I hope this Publication will produce a full Answer if we can make one. If it does, this Publication will have had its Use. No Offence to Government is intended by it, and it is hoped none will be taken” (Papers, ed. Willcox, 15: 110–112). Franklin had a copy of the English edition sent to his friend Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg, who had often translated Franklin’s own writings into French. Barbeu-Dubourg made the present translation and had it printed with a false Amsterdam imprint. The Snider copy belonged to Franklin—almost certainly the gift of the translator and perhaps specially bound by him—and his shelfmark (C69 N23) appears on the front free endpaper, probably added by his grandson Benjamin Franklin Bache. Edwin Wolf 2d and Kevin J. Hayes include Lettres d'un fermier de Pensylvanie in their catalogue, The Library of Benjamin Franklin (no. 860), noting that this copy was “acquired by William Reese for his private collection, 2001.” After Franklin’s death in 1790, most of his books were sold to Nicholas Dufief, a Philadelphia bookseller. In about 1802, Dufief, perhaps unable to sell a French-language work in Philadelphia, gave the book to John Dickinson, acknowledging his authorship in an inscription on a front blank leaf: “This French translation of an original work of General Dickinson is respectfully presented to him by his most abdt. sevt. N. G. Dufief.” This volume links two of the most crucial Founders and demonstrates their mutual respect despite frequent disagreements on the best methods of reconciling the colonist’s grievances with Great Britain. Indeed, Frankin arranged for Dickinson’s Letters to be reprinted even though he did not fully agree with their position. At the time, as noted by William Willcox in the Papers of Benjamin Franklin, “Dickinson accepted Parliament’s power to regulate commerce by duties; he distinguished it from the power to raise imperial revenue, which he denied that Parliament had. [Franklin] was moving hesitantly toward a realization that these two aspects of power were inseparable, and hence toward a denial of parliamentary jurisdiction in toto.” PROVENANCE Benjamin Franklin (shelfmark C69 N23 on front free endpaper; likely the gift of the translator); sold by his estate to — Nicholas G. Dufief, Philadelphia bookseller, who gave the volume to — John Dickinson (shelfmark J Q A L on front free endpaper) — William S. Reese (booklabel; Christie’s New York, 25 May 2022, lot 42)

View 1 of Lot 104: John Dickinson | Benjamin Franklin's copy 

john dickinson | benjamin franklin's copy

Richard Peters (& Benjamin Franklin) A Sermon on Education. Wherein Some Account is given of the Academy, established in the City of Philadelphia, Preach'd at the Opening thereof, on the Seventh Day of January, 1750–51. … Idea of the English School, Sketch'd out for the Consideration of the Trustees of the Philadelphia Academy. Philadelphia: Printed and Sold by B. Franklin, and D. Hall, at the Post-Office, MDCCLI (1751) Demy 8vo (202 x 126 mm). Two woodcut headpieces, one historiated (Miller 36 and 37), Franklin's Idea appended with separate signatures and pagination; some browning and foxing. Publisher's blue wrappers; stained, spine perished, sewing lost, but text block still neatly quired, with original stab-sewing holes. Blue cloth portfolio gilt. First edition; presentation copy inscribed by Benjamin Franklin on the front free endpaper: "For Mr. Sam'l Austin | one of the subscribers to the | Academy." Samuel Austin and his wife, Sarah Keen, were the parents of Sarah Austin, who was the second wife of Commodore John Barry, sometimes called “the father of the United States Navy.” Richard Peters (ca. 1704–1776) delivered this sermon on the occasion of the opening of the Academy. Clergyman and provincial councilor, Peters was one of the first trustees of the Philadelphia Academy, which in time developed into the University of Pennsylvania. He was president of the Board of Trustees and earlier helped Franklin to establish the Library Company of Philadelphia. Franklin was qualified to inscribe this volume not only as publisher, but as co-author. His Idea of the English School was first issued separately earlier in 1751, probably for private distribution among the trustees of the newly established Academy (see Miller 527). In his 1789 Observations Relative to the Intentions of the Original Founders, Franklin recalled that this essay was intended “for the Consideration of the Trustees” and “was printed, and afterwards annex’d to Mr. Peters’ Sermon.” Franklin outlines a rigorous and practical pedagogy of six successive classes of English-language instruction in subjects like orthography, reading, public speaking, composition and creative writing, mathematics, geography, accounting, history, and science. He concludes that the scholars of such instruction "will come out of this School fitted for learning any Business, Calling or Profession, except such wherein Languages are required; and tho’ unaquainted with any antient or foreign Tongue, they will be Masters of their own, which is of more immediate and general Use; and withal will have attain’d many other valuable Accomplishments; the Time usually spent in acquiring those Languages, often without Success, being here employ’d in laying such a Foundation of Knowledge and Ability, as, properly improv’d, may qualify them to pass thro’ and execute the several Offices of civil Life, with Advantage and Reputation to themselves and Country." In addition to his own thoughts on the colonial curriculum, Franklin added to Peters's sermon the text of the "Constitutions of the Publick Academy, in the City of Philadelphia." Peters and Franklin's joint work on the Academy of Philadelphia is surprisingly rare: over the past century, Rare Book Hub cites only three other complete copies. Only one other presentation copy is therein recorded, sold at Henkels, 21 March 1919, lot 101G, and inscribed with the same formula as the present to another subscriber to the Academy, Mr. John Kidd. ((For another work inscribed by Franklin to Kidd, see lot 61.) REFERENCES Miller 541; ESTC W29202; Evans 6754; Hildeburn 1234; Campbell 472 PROVENANCE Samuel Austin (presentation inscription from Benjamin Franklin) — Laird U. Park Jr. (Sotheby’s New York, 29 November 2000, lot 109)

View 1 of Lot 55: Richard Peters (& Benjamin Franklin) | Inscribed by Franklin to a subscriber to the Academy of Philadelphia

richard peters (& benjamin franklin) | inscribed by franklin to a subscriber to the academy of philadelphia

Benjamin Franklin Autograph document signed three times ("B. Franklin"), one page (158 x 198 mm) on a slip of laid paper, [Philadelphia, 1743], being a bill directed to "The Revd. Mr. Clapp … for Printing and Binding 500 of Dr. Mather's Soul-saving Gospel Truths"; cryptic contemporary note at lower margin, some minor fold separations. Matted. [Accompanied by:] Increase Mather. Soul-saving Gospel Truths; delivered in several Sermons, Wherein is shewed: I. The Unreasonableness of those Excuses which Men make for their Delaying to come to the Lord Jesus Christ for Salvation. II. That for Men to despair of the Forgiveness of their Sins because they have been Great, is a great Evil. III. That every Man in the World is going into Eternity. Philadelphia: Printed by B. Franklin, 1743 (colophon, G12r: Boston, Printed 1701. Philadelphia, Reprinted, 1744). Pot 12mo (126 x 72 mm). Type-ornament head- and tailpieces; scattered staining, lower fore-edge corners worn. Contemporary calf; worn, rebacked with loss to head of spine, recornered. [And accompanied by:] Thomas Clap, compiler. [A Catalogue of the Library of Yale-College in New-Haven. New London: Timothy Green, 1743.] 8vo in half-sheets (145 x 92 mm). Type ornament headpieces; title-page in facsimile; lightly stained. Later marbled wrappers. Half red morocco slipcase gilt, chemise. An intriguing triumvirate of articles illuminating Franklin’s early career as a highly successful job printer, not only of government forms and records, but also tracts and pamphlets of a theological nature. All of Franklin’s later endeavors were made possible by his initial success as a printer. In the document offered here, written entirely in Franklin’s hand, the printer bills Thomas Clap, the sixth rector of Yale College—and the first to be called by the title, “president,” for bringing a new edition of Increase Mather’s sermons off the press: “The Revd. Mr. Clapp [sic] to B. Franklin For Printing and Binding 500 of Dr. Mather’s Soul-saving Gospel Truths (per Agreemt.) £100..0..0 Rh. Island Money———B. Franklin.” Franklin then instructs Clap, “Please to pay the above to my Brother Peter Franklin, and his Receipt shall discharge you from Your obliged humb. Servt. B. Franklin.” Mather’s sermons had previously appeared in two Boston editions: the first sold, and presumably printed, by Eleazer Phillips, 1703 (ESTC W22326; Evans 1134), and the second printed by T. Green, for B. Eliot, in King-Street, 1712 (ESTC W19809; Evans 1569). (Despite Franklin’s colophon there was no 1701 printing of Soul-saving Gospel Truths). Franklin’s edition is essentially a page-by-page resetting of the 1703 edition and is very rare. No copies are recorded in Rare Book Hub since the Pennypacker sale in 1905, and ESTC seemingly locates only three complete copies. Often embroiled in the religious controversies of his day, Clap had an ardent interest in books. He not only commissioned this edition of Increase Mather, but he served as Yale’s de facto librarian, compiling the first catalogue of Yale’s library in 1743. This work is almost as uncommon in the market as Franklin’s edition of Mather’s sermons, although a number of institutions have copies. In the Reese catalogue Christie’s stated that “The last copy of this book recorded at auction was in the Brinley sale,” but in fact a fine copy, signed by several Yale students, was sold at Scott & O’Shaughnessy, 18 February 1916, lot 26. In his preface, or “Advertisement To the Students of Yale College,” Clap writes “I have here with considerable Labours and Pains, prepared a Catalogue of the Books in the Library under proper Heads that so you may Readily know and find any Book, upon any particular Subject.” He then explains his system of pressmarks: “The First Number signifies the Teer, the Second the Box; and the Third the Number of the Book. …” Clap also advises that the students peruse the approximately 2,600 books listed, “in some Measure according to the Order of this Catalogue. And in the First Year to Study principally the Tongues, Arithmetic and Algebra; the Second, Logic, Rhetoric and Geometry; the Third, Mathematics and Natural Philosophy; and the Fourth, Ethics and Divinity. … Above all have an Eye to the great End of all your Studies, which is to obtain the Clearest Conceptions of Divine Things and to lead you to a Saving Knowledge of God in his son Jesus Christ.” Increase Mather’s sermons, which Clap clearly believed was an essential text, is listed on page 36 of the catalogue under the ninth section, Sermons, of the fourth heading, Ethics and Divinity. These three items trace Soul-saving Gospel Truths from commission through production and, finally, to its readers. REFERENCES Document: Miller 328 note; Mather: Miller 328; ESTC W19810; Evans 5249; Hildeburn 836; Campbell 279; Holmes 127c; Sabin 46748; Clap: ESTC W37694; Evans 5320; Trumbull 1715; Sabin 105894 PROVENANCE Document: Clap family archive — Christie’s New York, 9 December 1994, lot 35 (undesignated consignor). Clap: William S. Reese (booklabel on chemise; Christie’s New York, 2 June 2022, lot 386)

View 1 of Lot 28: Benjamin Franklin | God and Man and Franklin and Mather at Yale

benjamin franklin | god and man and franklin and mather at yale

(Benjamin Franklin) Adventures of Franklin, illustrated school exercise worksheet. London: Publish'd by W. & T. Darton, April 5, 1808 Engraved writing blank (478 x 384 mm). Ten engraved vignettes, inscribed by a student; edges toned and chipped with a few short closed tears, two repaired at verso, short puncture within ink line under the "ov" of "Improvement," a few stray spots and stains, blue ink spots to verso. Glazed and framed (525 x 430 mm). A charming glimpse into Franklin's legacy among students abroad. The present exercise worksheet features ten vignettes of various scenes from Franklin's life, with a central blank for a student's penmanship practice. Among the scenes are young Franklin with his father, apprenticing at his brother's printing-house, distributing newspapers, leaving Boston, arriving in Philadelphia for the first time, serving as an ambassador in Paris, becoming President of Pennsylvania, conducting his kite experiment, opening his printing shop, and attending a Quaker Meeting. The worksheet was printed in London and presumably completed by a young English schoolchild, demonstrating Franklin's international reach. The student has written in an elegant hand a maxim not from Father Abraham, but from Proverbs: "Improvement. Train up a Child in the way he should go and when he is old he will not depart from it." Similar examples are held at the Bodleian Library and American Philosophical Society. REFERENCES Cf. American Philosophical Society, Mss.973.C683; University of Oxford, Bodleian Library educational folder 5 (21a)

View 1 of Lot 152: (Benjamin Franklin) | Adventures of Franklin, illustrated school worksheet

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