British poster for the <a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/buy/james-bond" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">James Bond</a> film Live and Let Die with Roger Moore.<ul><li>Robert E. McGinnis (b. 1926).</li><li>United Artists.</li><li>Linen backed.</li></ul>

James Bond Live and Let Die British Movie Poster

A <a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/buy/luxury/books-&amp;-manuscripts/book/first-edition?locale=en" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">first edition</a>, third printing of the <a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/buy/james-bond" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">James Bond</a> novel Live and Let Die by <a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/search?query=Ian+Fleming&amp;pfilters.dateRange=upcoming" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ian Fleming</a>, <a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/buy/luxury/books-&amp;-manuscripts/book?locale=en&amp;Book%20Type=Signed%2520and%2520Inscribed" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">signed</a> by members of the cast and crew of the film.<ul><li>Ian Fleming (English).</li><li>London: Jonathan Cape, 1956.</li><li>Signed on the front endpaper by: Madeline Smith (Miss Caruso), David Hedison (Felix Leiter), Guy Hamilton (Director) and Gloria Hendry (Rosie Carver).</li><li>In the unclipped dust wrapper.</li></ul>

Live and Let Die | First Edition, Signed by Members of the Cast and Crew of the Film

A <a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/buy/luxury/books-&amp;-manuscripts/book/first-edition?locale=en" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">first United Kingdom edition</a>, first printing of the <a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/search?query=James%20Bond&amp;tab=objects&amp;sortBy=bsp_dotcom_prod_en" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">James Bond</a> novel Live And Let Die by <a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/search?query=ian%20fleming&amp;tab=objects&amp;sortBy=bsp_dotcom_prod_en" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ian Fleming</a>.<ul><li>Ian Fleming (English).</li><li>London: Jonathan Cape, 1954.</li><li>Raymond Chandler’s ownership stamp to flyleaf (dated May 24 1954).</li><li>Bound in the original black cloth, lettered in gilt, design to upper board in gilt, in the dust wrapper with Kenneth Lewis’ acknowledgement to the front flap.</li></ul> A superb association copy between the two masters of their genres. Ian Fleming and Raymond Chandler began a friendship in 1955, during a dinner at Stephen Spender’s, and it lasted the remaining four years of Chandler’s life. He inscribed a copy of his final novel, Playback for Fleming and received a warmly inscribed copies of Moonraker and Goldfinger from the Bond creator. Their relationship had perhaps the most profound effect on Fleming and his literary career. By the time the two men meet, Fleming was finished with Bond, having “convinced himself that he had gone as far as with writing about James Bond as he ever would or could” (Pearson, pages 232-233). It was in large part thanks to Chandler’s encouragement that Fleming was persuaded not to abandon Bond after the first two literary instalments, but rather to give him greater depth.

Live And Let Die (First Edition, First Printing)

A <a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/buy/luxury/books-&amp;-manuscripts/book/first-edition?locale=en" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">first edition</a>, first printing of the <a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/buy/james-bond" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">James Bond</a> book Live and Let Die, by Ian Fleming, which has been <a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/buy/luxury/books-&amp;-manuscripts/book?locale=en&amp;Book%20Type=Signed%2520and%2520Inscribed" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">inscribed</a> by the author.<ul><li>Ian Fleming (English).</li><li>London: Jonathan Cape, 1954.</li><li>Inscribed to Muriel Williams&nbsp;.</li><li>The book is accompanied by the correct first state dust wrapper without the artist's (Kenneth Lewis] credit on the front flap, correctly priced at 10s.6d. net to both the front and rear flaps.</li></ul> Inscribed by the author on the front free end-paper: "To/ MW/ The faithful &amp;/ true!/ from/ The Author". With an additional ownership inscription and date (1954) of M J Williams on the front paste-down. Muriel Williams (often referred to as MJW or MW) was Fleming's Assistant at Kemsley Newspapers when he was the Foreign Manager. She was responsible for the day-to-day running of the Department in particular liaison with the "stringers" who, from far flung parts of the world, submitted stories for inclusion in the Kemsley Publications (including the Sunday Times). The dust wrapper artist, Kenneth Lewis (who worked in the Art Department at Kemsley), remembers her well commenting on her flat-chested appearance, strong and forceful personality, her use of bright red lipstick and that Fleming deferred to her. Fleming inscribed several of his other early novels to her, including Casino Royale and Moonraker.

James Bond Live and Let Die Inscribed First Edition

Stunning signed onlaid leather binding by Sangorski &amp; Sutcliffe of&nbsp;Live and Let Die,&nbsp;part of&nbsp;The Works of Ian Fleming,&nbsp;which is considered the definitive collection of his works.&nbsp;<ul><li>Ian Fleming (English).</li><li>London: Queen Anne Press, 2008.</li><li>Limited to 56 lettered editions (26 lettered according to the English alphabet and 30 lettered according to the Russian alphabet), with this volume being Russian letter 3 (English translation is Z).</li><li>Bound in full morocco with a pictorial onlaid leather multicolored design that follows the theme of the book, and with hand-sewn headbands, handmade watermarked endpapers and all edges gilt, with binders stamp in gilt on the bottom of the inside back cover.</li><li>Housed in a blue silk cloth slipcase with leather entry and the title appears in gold gilt on the spine.</li></ul> From the Ian Fleming Estate and Publications, “Fleming’s second James Bond novel, following on from Casino Royale. James Bond is not a superstitious man, but it’s hard not to feel unnerved in the presence of Mr. Big. A ruthless Harlem gangster who uses voodoo to control his criminal empire, he’s also one of SMERSH’s top American operatives. Mr. Big has been smuggling British pirate treasure to New York from a remote Jamaican island—and funneling the proceeds to Moscow. With help from Solitaire, Mr. Big’s beautiful and enigmatic Creole fortune-teller, and his old friend Felix Leiter, 007 must locate the crime lord’s hideout, sabotage his operation, and reclaim the pirate hoard for England. From the jazz joints of Harlem to the shark-infested waters of the Florida Everglades,&nbsp;Live and Let Die&nbsp;sends Bond headlong into the exotic."

Live and Let Die

<a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/buy/luxury/books-&amp;-manuscripts/book/first-edition?locale=en" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">First edition</a>, first impression, first issue, and first state of <a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/search?query=Ian%20Fleming&amp;tab=objects" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ian Fleming</a>'s <a href="https://www.sothebys.com/en/buy/james-bond" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">James Bond</a> novel Live and Let Die.<ul><li>Ian Fleming (English).</li><li>London:&nbsp;Jonathan Cape,&nbsp;1954.</li><li>Octavo.</li><li>240 pages.</li><li>Black cloth covered boards, in colorful dust jacket, housed in a custom half-morocco clamshell box.</li></ul> A very pretty copy of Fleming’s second novel, written in just two months at his Goldeneye estate, before the reviews of the first Bond novel, Casino Royale, landed.

Live and Let Die First Edition

Fine Manuscript and Printed Americana

Washington, George Manuscript document signed (“Go: Washington”), one page (333 x 203 mm) on a leaf of laid paper (counter-watermarked crowned GR), “Headquarters Morristown,” 8 January 1777, being orders to Lieutenant Colonel Samuel Blachley Webb headed “Instructions for Colonel Webb, Conducting the prisoners of War to Peekskill,” text in the hand of Stephen Moylan, verso addressed in Moylan’s hand “To Colonel Webb” and with filing dockets; some separations and pinholes at folds, two short horizontal tears, one just touching the crossbar of the t in Washington's signature, verso with a few stains and a couple of patches of mounting remnants. Half green morocco folding-case with engraved portrait of Washington. Even in the heat of war, Washington demonstrates his sense of honor and compassion, ordering an aide-de camp to ensure that some 211 British and Hessian soldiers taken prisoner at Princeton and Trenton be treated humanely: “You are to take charge of [space left for number ] privates of the Brittish Army & to Conduct them by the shortest and best rout from this place to Peekskill in the State of Newyork—Treat them with humanity, and Let them have no reason to Complain of our Copying the brutal example of the Brittish Army in their Treatment of our unfortunate bretheren who have fallen into their hands, provide every thing necessary for them on the Road, and draw orders on the Quarter Master General for the amount of your several Disbursements, you will Deliver the prisoners to General Heath or the officer Commanding there who is desired to forward them to Governor Trumbull, who will dispose of them in such parts of the State of Connecticut as he will think proper." Webb conducted the prisoners through Peekskill on 12 January on their way to a permanent stockade in Connecticut. Washington issued an additional order to Webb on this date directing him to ask Major General William Heath to “order all Deserters and Straglers from this Army taken up and sent back.” Washington’s stance was in marked contrast to the brutal treatment of American soldiers and sailors captured by the British. This was at least partly because George III had declared American forces traitors in 1775, which denied them prisoner-of-war status. But beyond that, American prisoners were kept in appalling conditions without sufficient food, clothing, or shelter, many incarcerated on fetid prison ships anchored around New York. It is estimated that 10,000 American prisoners died from neglect, disease, and malnutrition—far more than the number killed in action. Samuel Webb (1753–1807) joined the Wethersfield Militia Company shortly after Lexington and Concord. He saw action during the Siege of Boston and at Bunker Hill and rose to be aide-de-camp to Major General Israel Putnam. Webb’s effectiveness in that position was noticed by Washington, who brought him on to his own staff. Webb was himself taken prisoner in December 1777, but as an officer, he was offered parole and fared much better than enlisted men, boarding in a private home on Long Island and even making several trips home to Wethersfield for private business. Webb was an original member of the Society of the Cincinnati and served as grand marshal at Washington's inauguration in 1789. REFERENCE The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, ed. Grizzard Jr., 8:16 PROVENANCE Absorbed into the papers of Major General Alexander McDougall, which were rediscovered to great fanfare in the possession of a descendant in 1968. (The Webb document is accompanied by a copy of the 23 February 1968 issue of Life, which featured a lengthy story on “The Long-lost Letters of General Washington,” that includes a photograph of this document on p. 38.) After again falling out of sight, the McDougall archive was purchased in 1993 by — Joseph Rubinfine — “A California Collector” (Christie’s New York, 19 June 2007, lot 310)

View 1 of Lot 513: Washington, George | The commander in chief orders that Redcoat prisoners be treated "with humanity, and Let them have no reason to Complain of our Copying the brutal example of the Brittish Army" 

washington, george | the commander in chief orders that redcoat prisoners be treated "with humanity, and let them have no reason to complain of our copying the brutal example of the brittish army"

Adams, John Autograph letter signed (“Your affectionate father John Adams”), 3 pages (246 x 200 mm) on a bifolium of laid paper (watermarked posthorn), Quincy, 12 March 1802, to his son Thomas Boylston Adams, reception and file dockets on verso of second leaf; a few short tears along bottom margins and fore-edge of first leaf, light browning and traces of guard mount on blank verso of second leaf. An extraordinary letter—both academic and affectionate—by the second president to his youngest son, offering Thomas advice on his budding legal career, analyzing common law and natural rights, and reminiscing about his own participation in the development of the Declaration of Independence. In a letter of 3 March 1802, Thomas Boylston Adams consented to his father’s suggestion that he study common law—with the stipulation that John Adams assist him with the task. Thomas also noted his satisfaction with U.S. district judge Alexander Addison’s statement that the common law arose from the laws of nature and dictates of God. In this response, John Adams reassures his son, a fledgling lawyer in Philadelphia, that he should not misconstrue a suggestion made in an earlier letter as his setting a chore or criticizing his practice: “I recd. last night, your Letter of the 3d.—It was far from my thoughts to assign you a task. I meant only to turn your mind to a Subject, which must necessaryly engage much of your contemplations, as long as you live. The Folc Right [i.e, folkright, the aggregate of rules, some unwritten, that express the juridical consciousness of the people at large, a concept dating back to the Anglo-Saxon period], the Peoples Right, the common law, is the natural, Inheritance of Us all. It is our Birth Right.” Adams, far more widely read than any public man of his day, insisted that no statesman could act wisely without a deep understanding of the principles of government and the nature of man (Elkins & McKittrick, The Age of Federalism, p. 530). He recognized, however, that these natural rights could be misinterpreted by the common public, and that a thorough and applied reading of the law would allow those in the profession to become conversant with the principles governing personal and political liberty. As he explained to Thomas, “But precious as it is, and dear as it ought to be to all our hearts, it is likely to be a subject of controversy in this country, untill an examination of it, on a large Scale, Shall be undertaken and accomplished by you or Some other, whose Industry may be equal to the Subject.” Yet Adams deprecates his own ability to help his son in this course of study: “The assistance to be expected from me, must be very Small. I have Scarcely a Law Book of any kind left in my office. It is almost 30 Years since I abandoned my Office and Law Library, and now I have none. My Recollections of the contents of Law Books, you may well Suppose to be very faint confused and incorrect.” (Adams’s involvement in politics and the rigors of the judicial circuit—the radius of his travels comprised more than 200 miles in all directions, taking him as far as Martha's Vineyard and the reaches of Maine—decided him to abandon his practice altogether in the 1770s. Oddly enough, about a fortnight after penning this letter to Thomas, Adams wrote several friends that he was toying with the idea of resurrecting his practice.) But despite this display of modesty, Adams does not stint on advising his son of the pragmatic steps necessary to make a success at the law. “A Lawyer, Should have in his Desk, or Bureau, more pidgeon holes, than a Coiner of constitutions. In these he should deposit, in exact, numerical or Alphebetical order, all the Effects of his Researches into moot Points, as well as the States of his Cases and his notes of Arguments or Authorities relative to them. One of these Apartments in your Scrutoire or your Case or Drawers for writings you may dedicate to the common Law, and fill it up with your disquisitions as Slowly or as Swiftly as you please.— And if it Should be growing upon you at intervals for fifty Years; instead of injuring your mind body or estate, it may be of great benefit to the first and last, at least. Hæc Olim meminisse juvabit.— Indocti discant, et ament meminisse periti. The Plan indeed is vast, and will require a long time: but nothing presses for haste. The United States and the State of Pennsylvania are now within your reach. See what progress you make in ascertaining the common Law in them. You may pursue the Clue when you shall have Seized it, into other States at your Leisure.” The encouraging Latin epigram Adams provides is a hybrid, with the initial phrase taken from the first book of the Aeneid (“Some day, perhaps, remembering even this will be a pleasure”), while the second (“Let the unlearned learn, and let the experienced love to remember”) is a motto traditionally, if erroneously, attributed to Horace that appeared on the title-page of an anthology Adams was then reading, Jean François de La Harpe’s Lycée; ou, Cours de littérature ancienne et modern (16 vols. in 19, Paris, 1799–1805). Despite his earlier claim that his “Recollections of the contents of Law Books [is] very faint confused and incorrect,” John Adams recommends a number of specific texts by classic jurists for Thomas’s study of common law: “Judge Addisons thoughts may be of Use to you: but figures of Spech are not always Science of Law. Passion Politicks and Eloquence Should always be Studied with diffidence and Jealousy in discussions of Laws and Government. Avail yourself however of every thing that can afford you any light. “Lord Chief Justice Hale, wrote a Book under the Title of An History of the common Law I had it, and Suppose you have it now among my Law Books that I lent you. In this Work, an Octavo Volume well worth your reading, you will find much perhaps to your purpose. Fortesque Aland’s Reports You have among my Books. In a Preface to that Work there is much concerning the Saxon Language and the Saxon Folc Right. Ther is the best Deffinition, or description, or History if you will of the common Law, in that Preface, which I remember to have read. Blackstone took his Account of the common Law from that preface. Reeves’s History of the Law will probably assist you.” John Adams’s familiarity with these texts was well earned. He contracted to read law with James Putnam of Worcester in August 1756 for a period of two years. Once his studies were completed, he moved back to Braintree where he continued to prepare for the bar. In between chores on his father's farm, he translated Justinian and slowly read (by his own admission), Sir Geoffrey Gilbert's dense Treatise of Feudal Tenures (McCullough, John Adams, pp. 42–43). After his interview with Jeremiah Gridley, the dean of the Boston bar, Adams was invited to read in Gridley's law library. Shortly thereafter in November 1758 Gridley sponsored Adams's admission to the bar. After his admittance, Adams forged on with his rigorous reading regimen. The burgeoning success of his practice spurred an interest in assembling a legal library of the first degree. In a diary entry dated 30 January 1768 he records that he is "mostly intent at present upon collecting a library and I find that a great deal of thought and care, as well as money, are necessary to assemble an ample and well chosen assortment of books" (Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, I:337). McCullough states that for Adams, like Jefferson, "books [were] an extravagance he could no longer curb (with one London bookseller he had placed a standing order for 'every book and pamphlet, of reputation, upon the subjects of law and government as soon as it comes out'" (McCullough, John Adams, p. 64). His library, comprising some 3,500 volumes, is now housed at the Boston Public Library. Of these, 254 volumes are legal treatises, including four of the works mentioned in the letter to Thomas, some of which are found in multiple editions. A copy of Sir Matthew Hale’s Historia Placitorum Coronæ, perhaps distinct from the copy given to Thomas, is part of the collection. Fortescue Aland's Reports bears Adams's ownership inscription and is dated 1770. Reeve's History of the Common Law not only contains Adams's signature but also that of Thomas Boylston's son John Quincy (dated 1853) and the bookplate of another grandson, Charles Francis Adams. Adams also owned two editions of Blackstone's famous Commentaries as well as a set of his law tracts which survive in the collection. Adams at last recommends some his own writings to his son, staking a claim for having provided “the rough materials of the Declaration of Independence.” Adams later chafed at the idea that his Declaration of Rights was overlooked as the cornerstone of the Declaration of Independence, having been eclipsed by Jefferson's authorial contributions. In his own copy of his Discourses on Davila, which recognized the dangers of an unbalanced democracy then unfolding in France, he privately fumes in an annotation: “The Declaration of Independence of 4 July 1776 contained Nothing but the Boston Declaration of 1772 and the Congress Declaration of 1774. Such are the Caprices of Fortune. This Declaration of Rights was drawn by the little John Adams. The mighty Jefferson by the Declaration of Independence 4 July 1776 carried away the glory both of the great and the little.” In a less agitated mood, he here informs his son, “If you look into the Journal of Congress for 1774 you will find a Declation [sic] of the Rights of the Colonies and another of the Violations of those Rights— These declarations or Lists were drawn up by two Committees. I was one of the first Committee and drew up the Report. in this you will See, not only the rough materials of the Declaration of Independence made two years after, but you will See in what Light the common Law was Seen by that Congress and by all America at that time. Extracts from these Journals, Should go into your common Law Pidgeon hole. There is a public printed declaration of the Town of Boston Some time anteriour to the meeting of the first congress which will deserve your Attention.” A footnote to this letter in The Adams Papers explains that “The Declaration of Rights and Grievances was adopted by the Continental Congress on 14 Oct. 1774 and listed ten rights that the Congress determined all colonists held, including the right ‘to life, liberty, and property.’ It also detailed recent parliamentary acts that were deemed ‘infringements and violations of the rights of the colonists’ and noted the pending implementation of a trade boycott and the preparation of an address to the inhabitants of Britain and ‘a loyal address’ to George III. [John Adams] successfully argued that the document should emphasize the relatively unassailable tenets of natural law over the more tenuous and variable precepts of common law. To support his claim [Adams] pointed to the Nov. 1772 resolutions of the Boston committee of correspondence, which listed grievances against Parliament and detailed colonists’ constitutional rights as Britons. The resolutions were published as The Votes and Proceedings of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants of the Town of Boston, Boston, [1772]” (Evans12332; ESTC W29680). Adams concludes the letter with an admonition regarding Thomas’s safekeeping of their correspondence, “I can keep no Copies of my Letters to you and therefore I pray you to keep them Safely or to burn them, that they may not fall into the hands of the Ennemy of all good.” Thomas Boylston Adams, third son and youngest surviving child of John and Abigail (Smith) Adams, was born 15 September 1772. He graduated from Harvard in 1790 and studied law in the Philadelphia office of Jared Ingersoll for three years. He was admitted to the bar in 1793 but embraced the practice of law with far less enthusiasm than his father or siblings. When the opportunity arose in 1794 to serve as secretary to his brother John Quincy on the latter's first diplomatic mission to The Hague, he seized the moment, returning to Philadelphia four years later in the middle of his father's presidency. While his parents would have preferred him to settle in Quincy, they both recognized that Philadelphia offered more opportunities for a young lawyer with a recognizable name, but both evidently doubted their son's ability to succeed in the fast world of the capital (Ferling, John Adams, p. 388). He practiced law and contributed to Joseph Dennie's Port Folio in Philadelphia for some years thereafter. He was still in Philadelphia struggling with his practice in 1802. At the urging of his parents, he moved back to Quincy in 1803 and opened a law office there (Ferling, John Adams, p. 420) and sat in the Massachusetts legislature, 1805-1806. In 1811 he was appointed chief justice of the circuit court of common pleas for the southern circuit of Massachusetts. In spite of his participation in government and judicial appointment, Thomas's law practice never equaled the success of his father's. In later years Thomas sank into alcoholism like his brother Charles before him; and by the 1820s Thomas was employed chiefly as a caretaker for his father and the farm. He died 13 March 1832, in Quincy. REFERENCE The Adams Papers, Adams Family Correspondence, ed. Woodward, Martin, Minty, et al., 15:185–188

View 1 of Lot 502: Adams, John | A learned disquisition on the common law and natural rights and the roles those concepts played in Adams's own contributions to the Declaration of Independence and the founding of the United States

adams, john | a learned disquisition on the common law and natural rights and the roles those concepts played in adams's own contributions to the declaration of independence and the founding of the united states

Results for "Live And Let Die"