Watches

CARTIER MUST DE CARTIER TANK A GOLD PLATED RECTANGULAR WRISTWATCH, CIRCA 1978 Dial: champagne Caliber: mechanical Case: gold plated sterling silver, case back secured by four screws Case number: 3'051'647 Dimensions: 28 mm length x 21 mm width Signed: case, dial and movement Accessories: none

cartier | must de cartier tank a gold plated rectangular wristwatch, circa 1978

Fine Timepieces

• quartz movement • lacquered dial, applied Roman numerals • 18k yellow gold rectangular case, sapphire cabochon set crown, case back secured by 4 screws • case, dial and movement signed • with an 18k yellow gold Cartier folding clasp

a lady's gold plated sterling silver rectangular wristwatchcase 50083 tank must de cartier circa 1980

a silver gilt rectangular quartz wristwatch, must de cartier tank vermeil,

circular nickel lever movement, 17 jewels, mono-metallic balance, blue dial simulating lapis lazuli, typical tank form case, case, dial and movement signed, with 18k gold flattened rope twist form bracelet, guarantee and presentation box

a gilt silver rectangular wristwatch with gold bracelet, must de cartier, tank, circa 1980

Important Watches

Cartier and European Watch and Clock Co., Inc

Cartier and European Watch and Clock Co., Inc Tank Cintrée “Large Size” A large yellow gold curved wristwatch with Arabic numerals, Circa 1926 Dial: silvered Calibre: European Watch & Co, mechanical, 18 jewels Movement number: 23'881 Case: 18k yellow gold, case back secured by 4 screws Case number: hand stamped 23’881, 1’792 and 16’670 Closure: unsigned brown lizard strap and 18k yellow gold and pink gold Cartier folding clasp with hand stamped number 12'250 Size: 46.5 mm length x 23 mm width Signed: dial signed Cartier, case and movement signed European Watch and Clock Co., Inc Accessories: none The Tank is a watch that truly needs no introduction. It is not only one of the most famous, widespread and influential designs in wristwatch history, but has also remained culturally relevant virtually since its creation. 4 years after the creation of the very first Tank, the Normale, Cartier introduced what would become one of its most coveted Tank variations: the Cintrée. French for “curved”, the watch was considered extremely oversized when it was unveiled in 1921. To aid its wearability but also as an elegant design feature, the entire case of the watch is, as the name would suggest, quite dramatically curved. This bold aesthetic has allowed the Cintrée to remain extremely relevant until the present day, more than a century after its creation. The original run of Tank Cintrée wristwatches were manufactured by Cartier in France in three sizes: small, medium and large. Aside from the differences in case size and some minor dial variations, the more technical differentiation between them is the size of the movement, with each size using a 7, 8 or 9 ligne movement respectively. The large size with 9 ligne movement is widely considered to be the most desirable of all vintage Cintrée production as the case curvature is the most pronounced. Though the Cintrée strictly followed the original Tank blueprint for the first few years of production, it is observed that Cartier began to produce dial variations within the Cintrée line towards the mid to late 1920s. The present watch is no different, with the traditional Roman numerals and wide railroad track found in other examples of the period replaced with highly stylised Arabic numerals along with a narrower track. A similar example can be found in the Harry Fane collection. As all inter-war Cartiers were produced in extremely limited quantities, the many dial variations make watches from this period even more collectible. The eccentric Arabic dial paired with the beautiful and original Breguet hands, or “Apple” hands in Cartier speak, all housed within the large size 9 ligne case really tick all the boxes when it comes to a top tier vintage Cartier Tank Cintrée. The present watch is not only offered in a sought after configuration, but connoisseurs will recognise the attractive condition that it is presented in as well. Present and correct are twin French hallmarks, one on the case band and one on the case back, as well as a set of 3 case numbers. The yellow gold case has charmingly oxidised in some areas, likely indicating that it has not been polished in some time. Also included is the original Cartier folding clasp constructed out of both yellow and pink gold, as is typical for all vintage Cartier, and is also double stamped with a Cartier number. All of these attributes combine to make this lot an absolute must-see for any discerning collector.

View 1 of Lot 2150: Tank Cintrée “Large Size” | A large yellow gold curved wristwatch with Arabic numerals, Circa 1926

tank cintrée “large size” | a large yellow gold curved wristwatch with arabic numerals, circa 1926

Clocks, Watches and Wristwatches

18k, quartz movement, black Must de Cartier dial, rectangular case with diamond-set sides, diamond-set crown, back secured by four screws in the band, case, dial and movement signed, with an 18k Cartier brick link bracelet with deployant buckle.

a lady's rectangular gold and diamond wristwatch with bracelet , cartier 'tank'circa 1995

A Gold-plated Silver Wristwatch, Cartier, Tank,

A Gold-plated Silver Wristwatch, Cartier, Tank, circa 1990 quartz movement, champagne dial, roman numerals, sapphire crown, rectangular Tank form case case, dial and movement signed must de Cartier with Cartier buckle accompanied by maker's case, length 26mm

a gold-plated silver wristwatch, cartier, tank,

Books, Manuscripts and Music from Medieval to Modern

Sir Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood

Sir Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood Series of c.110 autograph or typed letters signed ("Sam"), to Max Aitken, Lord Beaverbrook (Dear Max") an important correspondence covering a wide range of political subjects, most written from within government or as Ambassador to Spain, c.238 pages, 4to and 8vo, House of Commons, 18 Cadogan Gdns, the Air Ministry, India Office, Home Office, British Embassy in Madrid, and other locations, 8 June 1921 to 25 April 1950, occasional staining and nicks [with:] 14 photographs of Hoare, each with Daily Express copyright stamp Samuel Hoare (1880-1959), created Viscount Templewood in 1944, was a leading Conservative politician. He served in intelligence in Russia and Italy during World War I; was the MP for Chelsea from 1910 to 1944; and held several Cabinet positions including Home Secretary (1937-39), Foreign Secretary (1935), Secretary of State for India (1931-35) and Secretary of State for Air (1922-29 and 1940). His historical reputation has suffered from his close association with the policy of Appeasement and especially the Hoare-Laval pact, which accepted the Italian invasion of Abyssinia. This long series of letters to the press baron and wartime minister Max Aitken, Lord Beaverbrook, provides a wealth of insight into the foreign policy views of a quintessential figure of the British establishment, as well as the inner workings of the Conservative party. The correspondence revolves chiefly on matters of policy, especially international affairs. When the correspondence begins in 1921 Hoare is focused the question of Ireland, then in the midst of its War of Independence, and one of the earliest letters includes a coruscating attack on British intelligence failures ("...Having run our Secret Service in Russia and Italy for four years, I know enough of intelligence methods to convince the Prime Minister that his show in Ireland was rotten from top to bottom...", 13 June 1921). In other letters Hoare writes of the Middle East (“…'the Jewish and Arab States must now pay for themselves…”, October 1921), the rise of Fascism ("...the disclosures of your correspondent in Verlain have made a great impression in Germany and Hitler and his crowd were considerably disquieted by them...", 3 July 1934), and other subjects. For much of the time Hoare was a Cabinet Minister ("...Stanley Baldwin has asked me to enter the cabinet...", 25 May 1923) and many letters turn on the attitude of Beaverbrook's papers to policy areas under his ministerial purview, from the promotion of air travel to discontent in India. Other letters provide insights into leading figures in the Tory party, including Neville Chamberlain ("...He has, as we all know, a very cold manner. I always think that it is chiefly due to shyness and that behind it there is a very great deal of sentiment, particularly Imperial sentiment..." 27 July 1934). The biggest personality in the party was of course Churchill, who figures in many letters, such as when Hoare recounts a visit to Chartwell on 15 February 1926: "Most of the Sunday morning we inspected the property, and the engineering works upon which he is engaged. These engineering works consist of making a series of ponds in a valley, and Winston appears to be a great deal more interested in them than in anything else in the world." Their exuberant host "scarcely stopped talking the whole time [...] He is convinced that he is to be the prophet to lead us into the Promised Land". Hoare was one of the most prominent figures associated with the policy of Appeasement. In 1943, when Beaverbrook was planning a book on the lead-up to war, Hoare reflected on pre-war policies: "It was an atmosphere of peace at almost any price: the peace ballot, the Labour opposition against Service estimate and conscription, the pressure of business and industry against war. Neville was not the man to fight this opposition, for at the bottom of his heart he sympathised with it" (15 February 1943). When war came Hoare was appointed to Chamberlain's inner war cabinet, and the correspondence includes a hurried note from this time ("...you may have thought that he had asked you to come to see him for the purpose of offering you the ministry of Information. He wanted me to tell you that he could not make this offer as Macmillan was not resigning...", 28 October 1939). However, when Churchill came to power Hoare found himself out of political office, and was instead sent to Madrid as Ambassador. Hoare arrived in Spain to find a widespread expectation of imminent German victory ("...Nine Spaniards out of ten believe that Hitler will win the war in three weeks...", 6 June 1940). He soon announces to Beaverbrook that "I am making myself the centre of the movement against the Spanish entry into the war" (21 June 1940), explaining that whilst Franco's regime might be sympathetic to Germany, and German influence in Spain ran deep, exhaustion from the Civil War had left the Spanish with neither the appetite nor the materiel for another war. The swift Germany victory over France altered the situation ("...You can imagine the state of nerves here with the Germans on the Pyrenees..." 27 June 1940), and brought to Spain a flood of refugees, including the Duke of Windsor. Hoare soon finds himself having to tackle rumours that "I was making a peace with Germany through the medium of the Duke of Windsor" (5 July 1940). He offers policy suggestions, most remarkably perhaps that Morocco be offered to Spain as a colony ("...is it worth using Morocco as the bridge over which we can bring the Spaniards from the Berlin side to our own [...] I see the obvious snag, namely that it looks like dividing up the French Empire...", 23 July 1940), and finds himself waiting, like the Spanish, to see the outcome of the Battle of Britain ("...the Spaniards are sitting on the fence until they see how the invasion of England, and possibly Egypt, goes. They are convinced that they will get something for certain out of the war in Africa, and an arrangement about Gibraltar...", 7 August 1940). In later letters he warns against breaking with Petain and suspects de Gaulle of lacking support, worries about the unpopularity of the US in Spain, and expresses concern that the Spanish might join the war in early 1941 and again after the German invasion of the USSR. His support for Churchill remains qualified ("...Winston has the faults of his qualities, and one of them is that being a better talker than anyone else, he is disinclined to listen to other people...", 2 May 1941) but he is full of praise for Beaverbrook's own role in government: "Your aeroplanes saved the Battle of Britain and your tanks have been the decisive instruments in the Battle of Libya" (23 December 1941).

View 1 of Lot 330: Sir Samuel Hoare | Series of c.110 letters to Lord Beaverbrook, 1920-50

sir samuel hoare | series of c.110 letters to lord beaverbrook, 1920-50

Fine Jewels

La première montre "Must", le boîtier ovale, le cadran doré à index en chiffres romains, la couronne sertie d'un saphir cabochon, sur un bracelet en cuir et une double boucle déployante, mouvement mécanique à remontage manuel, dimensions 32 x 30 mm, signée, numérotée, poinçon suisse pour l'or 18K (750°/00), poinçon de maître ; la seconde montre "Tank", le boîtier rectangulaire, le cadran blanc à index en chiffres romains, la couronne sertie d'un saphir cabochon, sur un bracelet en cuir et une double boucle déployante, mouvement mécanique à remontage manuel, dimensions 22 x 20 mm, signée, numérotée, poinçon suisse pour l'or 18K (750°/00), poinçon de maître; poids brut total 30.68 g.

La première montre "Must", le boîtier ovale, le cadran doré à index en chiffres romains, la couronne sertie d'un saphir cabochon, sur un bracelet en cuir et une double boucle déployante, mouvement mécanique à remontage manuel, dimensions 32 x 30 mm, signée, numérotée, poinçon suisse pour l'or 18K (750°/00), poinçon de maître ; la seconde montre "Tank", le boîtier rectangulaire, le cadran blanc à index en chiffres romains, la couronne sertie d'un saphir cabochon, sur un bracelet en cuir et une double boucle déployante, mouvement mécanique à remontage manuel, dimensions 22 x 20 mm, signée, numérotée, poinçon suisse pour l'or 18K (750°/00), poinçon de maître; poids brut total 30.68 g. The first 'Must' watch with an oval gold case, the golden dial with Roman numerals, the crown set with a sapphire cabochon, to a leather bracelet and double folding clasp, manual winding movement, measuring approximately 32 x 30mm, signed, numbered, Swiss assay mark for 18 carat gold, maker's mark ; the second 'Tank' watch with a rectangular gold case, the white dial with Roman numerals the crown set with a sapphire cabochon, to a leather bracelet and double folding clasp, measuring approximately 22 x 20mm, signed, numbered, French import assay mark for 18 carat gold; combined gross weight 30.68 grams.

View 1 of Lot 91: Montres de dame or  | Lady's gold wristwatches

montres de dame or | lady's gold wristwatches

Fine Books & Manuscripts Online

CASSADY, NEAL A highly important archive of correspondence, documents, photos and other material. 19 letters and notes comprising 14 autograph letters and notes signed (signed "N.") mostly in pencil, and 5 typed letters and notes (signed "N."), together 107 pp. (various sizes), San Francisco and v.p., 27 February 1950–23 May 1954, to Diana Hansen, North Tarrytown, NY; condition varies. with 14 autograph and typed envelopes. "I apologize, I grovel, I'm a bastard. I mean a bastard, a selfish bastard, a fool, a prick. I want you to know that, for once, your phone calling did some good. Be that as it may, I can only send you $50.00, believe me." Neal Cassady's complicated life brought to life in his letters. Cassady's writng style is probably the single most important influence on the writing of both Jack Kerouac and Allen Ginsberg. The male muse. Neal Cassady was the inspiration for several of Jack Kerouac's books, most notably On the Roadand Visions of Cody. He was also the muse for many of Allen Ginsberg's poems, as well as inspiring characters for John Clellon Holmes's Go and Kerouac and Burroughs's And the Hippos Were Boiled in Their Tanks.Tom Wolfe brought Cassady vividly to life in The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test. Cassady's only book, The First Third, has been continually in print since its publication in 1971 by City Lights Books. Spontaneous Bop Prosody. Cassady's vivid writing style, conveyed via his few extant letters, duplicate his fast-talking, machine-gun-like monologues. When Kerouac first read a 16,000 word Cassady letter, known as "The Joan Anderson Letter" (December 1950), he was struck by its vitality. It changed Kerouac's entire approach to writing. He based what he was to call "spontaneous bop prosody" on Cassady's letters. The final drafts of On the Roadstrongly reflect this influence. The present collection comprises Cassady's letters to Diana Hansen and were written at the same time that Kerouac was revising On the Road and refer to many of the actual events depicted in the book. Diana Hansen was Cassady's third wife, whom he married on 10 July 1950, and most of the letters were written in that same year. The character Inez in On the Road is based on Hansen. These letters show Neal Cassady at the height of his powers, both as a con-man lover and as a charismatic figure. They document his attempts to juggle two wives and two families. They also provide insight into his character as a friend, father, writer, railroad brakeman, petty criminal, and vagabond. In 1950, both Carolyn Cassady and Diana Hansen were pregnant and Cassady was trying to balance two families. After Hansen gave birth to a son, Cassady wrote on 11 September 1950, "How's the family taking the blow of the little bastard? Tell them I've no respect for him & call him the little bastard just to try & get a raise out of them. Goad them a little for Kick's & see what reaction you get from such minor shockers.… Let us hope they aren't suffering as much as Carolyn from the birth. A boy! Ugh! she had sworn that it was really the end if you came up with a male ….Your triumph is well deserved considering your suffering. The present situation makes it not for us to question but to act out God's Will, the only reason for Dates indicating periods of husbandship is due to the overwhelming odds of 3 children to 1. If Carolyn has another it will arrive June 1st — I know none of us want it, so send abortion information soon — Sterility then? Perhaps, only after my eyes, teeth, throat (bronchial tubes), chest, asshole, hernias, prostate gland, feet, thumbs & brain are examined & exterminated however." Five day later, Cassady, who is in California, asks Hansen, who is at her parents' home in North Tarrytown, N.Y., to ship the couple's possession to San Francisco in preparation for Hansen's joining Cassady. "… get allour shit, Books (& most important, Radio, which you send at once to me) … & ship only best Books west — Celine, Proust, etc." One of the envelopes in this group is annotated by Hansen in red, "Written by Neal L. Cassady before he deserted me — summer 1950 (before I learned the true story of his marriage to Carolyn C.)" On 21 August 1952, Cassady wrote a highly charged and graphically erotic letter to Hansen. She annotated the envelope: "Indecentletter from Neal L. Cassady — written 1year after our annulment — 2 years after separation! Content-self evident." In addition to Cassady himself, Hansen, and Carolyn Cassady, the other character in the drama played out in these letters is Jack Kerouac, who is never far from Neal's thoughts. When Cassady promises Hansen they will settle down together in California after the baby is born back East, he qualifies this by saying he and Kerouac must take a six-month car trip to Mexico City first. When Cassady moves back in with Carolyn, Kerouac comes for a visit and keeps Carolyn sexually satisfied and out of Neal's hair. This archive of letters also includes other relevant material: Two snapshots of Neal Cassady, one of him shirtless reading Kerouac's The Town and the City, the other of him holding his son Curtis Hansen — a remarkable group of 13 autograph and typed letters from Carolyn Cassady to Diana Hansen, ca. 1950–51 — 1 typed letter by Carolyn Cassady to Neal Cassady. Nd — Arrest record for Neal Cassady, Department of Justice, State of California, March 1959 — 2 typed letters regarding the Hansen–Cassady divorce proceedings, October 1951. A very fine and revealing collection of Neal Cassady's letters, dating from the early 1950's and totaling over 100 pages; accompanied by pertinent ancillary letters and other material. PROVENANCE: Curt Hansen, son of Neal Cassady and Diana Hansen (sold in 'Allen Ginsberg and Friends,' Sotheby's New York, 7 October 1999, lot 21)

cassady, neal | a highly important archive of correspondence, documents, photos and other material.

Berluti : The Art of Craftsmanship*

BERLUTI | PORSCHE, BAG AND DRIVING SHOES [3 ITEMS]

BERLUTI | PORSCHE, BAG AND DRIVING SHOES [3 ITEMS] This Porsche Targa 911 is steeped Berluti savoir-faire, with the Maison expertise expressed in an extensive customisation that still respects the original design. Upholstery, sheathing and patina coordinate beautifully in this one-of-a-kind vehicle; it also comes with special accessories, including a pair of driving shoes and a weekend bag, all essentials for any car enthusiast. The car is being sold with a complimentary bag and pair of shoes. PORSCHE TARGA 2.4S 1973 VERSION • 2.4S engine: Air-cooled flat six-cylinder. 2.4 litre mechanical Fuel injection. 190hp. • Amongst the most desirable of the early Porsche 911s must certainly be the 1973 911 S 2.4-litre, the final production year of the elegant long-bonnet/narrow bumper F-series, along with the ’73-only Carrera RS. • Despite the increased displacement of the 2.7-litre RS, this 2.4-litre S shares many of the same features of the 2.7, such as the new and stronger 915 gearbox, light aluminium brake callipers, a front-mounted oil cooler, and the optional 85-litre plastic fuel tank that was only found in the RS. • Of course, the quality and performance of the 2.4 S in relation to price of the 2.7 RS makes this an unbeatable opportunity. • The 1973 911 saw the old Type 901 “dog-leg” transmission replaced by the stronger Type 915, which utilized a standard “H” shift pattern. Contemporary road tests demonstrated that the new 911 S was capable of a 0–60 sprint in just 7.8 seconds. It could cover a standing quarter mile in 16.3 seconds and top out at 142 miles an hour. This was dazzling performance for an otherwise very tractable street car of that period. Befitting its high-performance capability, the ’73 S was equipped with a special front valance to help control airflow beneath the chassis. • The first fully customised car created by Berluti. All work performed in France with the combined savoir-faire of Berluti’s colourists and an expert upholsterer. Noteworthy interior customisation details: • Leather-trimmed dashboard with open seam and double top-stitching • Bouclé wool floor mats with English-style border • Venezia patinated leather driver heel pad • Hand-stitched leather-sheathed gear shift knob • Targa roof in alpaca with leather headliner with fold seams • Front boot interior and engine compartment trim in Venezia leather • “Berluti Paris” signature on glove compartment door. “B” logo on steering wheel and key fob. JOUR OFF GM BAG The large model of the Jour-Off bag is a natural companion for weekend excursions. Though its dimensions easily carry most of your personal belongings, its compact design, numerous pockets, lightweight and flexible design, along with a removable shoulder strap, make it an ideal travel companion. Outer features: One zipped flat pocket; Double metal zipped closure; One hidden key cover and 1 padlock; Strap included Inner features: Two flat pockets, One zipped pocket Material: Venezia Gloria Calf Leather / Microfibre Lining Colour: Tobacco Bis Hardware: Brass hardware with 'antic silver' finish Dimensions: 30 by 56 by 24 cm DRIVING SHOES S3723 SATURNIN ST TROPEZ The Lunare last borrows and reinterprets the longer lines of the Saturnin to offer these elegantly refined, streamlined driving shoes. Berluti is boldly innovative in its reinterpretation of this menswear classic. Inspired by motorsport legend Enzo Ferrari, the retro, sleek look of these driving shoes recalls those worn by racing drivers in the 1950s. Single piece of leather on the lower section. Hand-stitched upper. Material: Venezia Leather Color: Tobacco Bis Size: 8,5 Sole: Sole Injected with rubber spikes Shoetrees: No --------------------------------------------------------------------- BERLUTI | PORSCHE, SAC ET SOULIERS DE CONDUITE [3 ARTICLES] C’est tout le savoir-faire Berluti qui se traduit dans cette Porsche Targa 911 offrant une personnalisation aboutie mais dans le respect du modèle d’origine. Sellerie, gainage et patine s’expriment en toute harmonie dans cette voiture unique, qui accompagnée de ses accessoires, une paire de souliers de conduite et un sac weekend, deviendra un must have de tout passionné d’automobile. La voiture est vendue avec un sac et une paire de souliers de conduite complémentaire. PORSCHE VERSION TARGA 2.4S 1973 • Caractéristiques moteur de la 2.4S: Moteur 6 cylindres à plat « flat 6 » refroidi par air. Cylindrée 2.4 litres à injection. Puissance 190 chevaux. • Parmi les plus recherchées des premières Porsche 911, il faut certainement citer la 911 S 2.4 litres de 1973, dernière année de production de l'élégante série F à capot long / pare-chocs étroit, avec la seule Carrera RS de '73. • Cette S2.4L partage bon nombre de caractéristique par rapport à la RS de 2.7L (mise à part une plus grosse cylindrée) : la nouvelle boîte de vitesses 915 plus robuste, des étriers de frein en aluminium léger, un refroidisseur d'huile à l'avant et un réservoir de carburant en plastique optionnel de 85 litres que l’on ne retrouvait que dans la RS. • Bien entendu, la qualité et les performances de la 2.4 S par rapport au prix de la 2.7 RS en fait une opportunité imbattable. • La 911 de 1973 a vu l’ancienne transmission du type 901 «à pattes» remplacée par la plus puissante, le type 915, qui utilisait un schéma standard de changement de vitesse «H». Des essais sur route contemporains ont montré que la nouvelle 911 S pouvait atteindre un sprint de 0 à 60 en seulement 7,8 secondes. Il pourrait parcourir un quart de mile en 16,3 secondes et atteindre 142 miles à l'heure. Ce fut une performance éblouissante pour une voiture par ailleurs très docile de cette période. Convenant à ses hautes performances, la ’73 S était équipée d’une cantonnière spéciale permettant de contrôler le flux d’air sous le châssis. • La 1ère voiture entièrement personnalisée créée par Berluti. Toutes les opérations réalisées en France, par les coloristes et les selliers Berluti Détails de personnalisation notables: • Tableau de bord recouvert de cuir avec couture ouverte et double surpiqure • Tapis de sol en laine bouclée avec bordure à l’anglaise • Talonnette conducteur en cuir Venezia patiné • Pommeau de vitesse gainé avec points mains • Toit Targa en alpaga avec ciel de toit en cuir avec coutures de pliage • Garnissage intérieur du coffre avant et du compartiment moteur en cuir Venezia • Signature « Berluti Paris » sur le couvercle de boîte à gants. Rappel « B » sur le volant et le porte-clé. SAC JOUR OFF GM Le grand modèle du sac Jour-Off est parfait pour les départs en week-end. Bien que ses dimensions permettent de transporter la plupart de vos effets personnels, son format peu encombrant, ses nombreuses poches, sa légèreté, sa souplesse et sa bandoulière amovible l’imposent comme un accessoire de voyage idéal. Caractéristiques extérieures: Une poche plate zippée; Double fermeture zippée en métal; Un cache-clé et un cadenas ; Bandoulière inclus Caractéristiques intérieures: Deux poches plates; Une poche zippée Matière: cuir de veau Venezia Gloria / doublure en microfibre Couleur: Tobacco Bis Pièces Métalliques: laiton, finition « argent vieilli » Dimensions: 30 x 56 x 24 cm SOULIERS DE CONDUITE S3723 SATURNIN ST TROPEZ La forme Lunare réinterprète les lignes allongées du modèle Saturnin pour proposer des souliers de conduite purs et élégants. Berluti innove avec audace en revisitant ce classique pour homme. Inspiré de la légende du sport automobile Enzo Ferrari, le look rétro épuré de ces souliers de conduite rappelle ceux des pilotes de course des années 50. Section inférieure formée d’une seule pièce de cuir. Tige cousue main. Matière: cuir Venezia Couleur: Tobacco Bis Pointure: 8,5/42,5 Semelle: gomme injectée d’inserts Embauchoirs: non Please see Shipping Calculator Link: Click Here (« Calculateur des frais d’expédition »sous ce lien) [PORSCHE: used and restored/ utilisé et restauré BAG AND DRIVING SHOES: Items are new / SAC ET SOULIERS DE CONDUITE: Les articles sont neufs]

berluti | porsche, bag and driving shoes (porsche, sac et souliers de conduite) [3 items /articles]

Friedrich von Hayek: His Nobel Prize and Family Collection

F.A. HAYEK SVERIGES RIKSBANKS PRIS I EKONOMISK VETENSKAP TILL ALFRED NOBELS MINE [THE SVERIGES RIKSBANK PRIZE IN ECONOMIC SCIENCES IN MEMORY OF ALFRED NOBEL] Gold medal by Gunvor Svensson Lundquist, obverse with head of Alfred Nobel above crossed cornucopiae and ''Sveriges Riksbank Till Alfred Nobels Minne 1968'' [Swedish Central Bank in Memory of Alfred Nobel] applied in raised letters with the engraver's initials incuse in field right ("G | SL"); reverse with arms of Sweden superimposed on a five-pointed star with incuse rays emanating (the emblem of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences) and ''Kungliga Vetenskapsakademien'' applied in raised letters; “Friedrich von Hayek 1974" engraved on the rim and stamped with hallmarks (SPORR [Sporrong], citymark, three crowns [Swedish assay office], 23K, Z9 [i.e. 1974]); housed in its original red morocco case by Gillbergs of Stockholm with Hayek’s name gilt stamped on lid with cornerpiece fleur-de-lis and border of double dot fillets, the interior fitted with suede and satin [also with:] Original Nobel diploma, on vellum, calligraphic text with citation in Swedish, dated Stockholm, 10 December 1974, signed by the President and Secretary of the Academy of Sciences and with original watercolour by Karl Axel Pehrsson of a lakeside landscape with flowers, laid down in a brown morocco gilt folder, the upper cover with initials "FvH" in gilt “The curious task of economics is to demonstrate to men how little they really know about what they imagine they can design.” - F.A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit THE NOBEL PRIZE AWARDED TO "THE CENTURY'S GREATEST CHAMPION OF ECONOMIC LIBERALISM" (The Economist). Friedrich August von Hayek (1899-1992) was one of the great intellectual figures of the twentieth century: his writings as an economist and political philosopher, and especially his explanation of the relationship between market forces and personal freedom, have had a profound impact in shaping the modern world. His ideas and his books, notably The Road to Serfdom, transcend the academy. They were both a key part of the intellectual ferment that undermined the Soviet bloc, and have influenced generations of free-market policy-makers in the West and around the world. In retrospect it seems inevitable that Hayek should have been awarded the ultimate accolade of his discipline, the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences. His contribution to the field of economics itself was exceptional, but what sets Hayek apart is that he used the insights he gained from the study of markets to underpin a wider political philosophy that has had an influence that is surely unmatched by any other Economics laureate. The breadth of Hayek’s writing was acknowledged by the Nobel committee, who awarded the prize for “pioneering work in the theory of money and economic fluctuations and for [...] penetrating analysis of the interdependence of economic, social and institutional phenomena.” But whilst for many the receipt of a Nobel Prize marks the apogee of their public visibility and influence, Hayek was a more marginal figure when he won the Nobel Memorial Prize in 1974 than he appears today, more than 25 years after his death. His writing reinvigorated the right by providing a rationale a renewed faith in the workings of free markets and helped support the emergence of a new political movement, but the true impact of this only emerged in the governments of Thatcher, Reagan, and others in the 1980s. The clandestine spread of Hayek’s books and ideas behind the Iron Curtain hollowed out the intellectual foundations of Communism to an extent that only was evident with the collapse of the Soviet bloc. Hayek is of course associated with a particular political creed, but his ideas have had such a powerful influence not because of any doctrinaire ideological purity but because he provides thoughtful answers to deep and searching questions. What underpins our freedom? How do we understand markets? What is the role of law in a free society? What are the limits of our knowledge about society and the pattern of the flow of goods that are its lifeblood? Hayek was born at the turn of the twentieth century in Vienna, then the city of Mahler, Klimt, Loos, and Freud. His family were part of Vienna’s intellectual elite: his father was a doctor with a keen scholarly interest in botany; both of his grandfathers were scholars; Ludwig Wittgenstein was a distant cousin. The civilisation of Hayek’s childhood disintegrated with World War One and his youth was inevitably marked by service in the artillery on the Italian Front. In later years Hayek preferred to recall these years by telling of his hapless attempt to deliver a transport of live eels to the front, but he also acknowledged how war shaped his outlook: “I saw, more or less, the great empire collapse over the nationalist problem. I served in a battle in which eleven different languages were spoken. It’s bound to draw your attention to the problems of political organisation.” (Hayek on Hayek, p.48). Military defeat was followed by an imperial collapse in which Vienna lost forever its status as a great European capital, and this was soon followed by economic catastrophe in the form of hyperinflation. In 1923, when he was a young researcher at the University of Vienna, Hayek received 200 pay rises in eight months merely to keep pace with daily rising prices. Witnessing the evisceration of a nation’s savings imbued in Hayek a deep-seated understanding of the dangers of inflation, but it was the influence of Ludwig van Mises, whose private seminars at the University of Vienna Hayek attended in the later 1920s, that shifted his political philosophy from socialism to classical liberalism. By the early 1930s Hayek was on the faculty of the London School of Economics with a growing reputation as an economic theorist of formidable insight and rigour. His penetrating work on the business cycle brought him into conflict with John Maynard Keynes – the leading economist in Britain and perhaps the world – over the appropriate fiscal and monetary responses to the depression. Was the cycle of boom and bust a result of “animal spirits” amongst investors, or the “false signals” of artificially high interest rates? Would increased government spending during the downturn provide the boost that would reignite the economy or initiate another boom and bust cycle? How much did it matter if government spending allocated capital less wisely than the markets? This was a foundational dispute for modern economics and it has flared up repeatedly in the decades since, taking on a particular urgency during the Great Recession that followed the 2008 financial crash, especially when billions of dollars were then poured into the banking system in the form of “quantitative easing” despite the obvious moral hazard this entailed. The extent to which the Hayek/Keynes dispute entered popular culture at this time is epitomised by a distillation of the arguments in the unexpected form of a rap video, which has been viewed some 6.6 million times since 2010. It was on economic issues that Hayek first made his name but from the 1940s onwards he expanded his intellectual horizon and expounded on the wider political and philosophical implications of his free market economics. The pivot on which Hayek’s career turned was The Road to Serfdom, published exactly 75 years ago in March 1944. It is ironic that the work of Hayek’s that has had the deepest and widest influence was written to address a specific local contingency: the likely mode of government in Post-War Britain and the author’s alarm at the growing calls for a continuing role for government in planning the economy and a widening welfare state. Hayek saw the roots of Nazi tyranny in the left-wing governments of Weimar Germany and feared the growing enthusiasm for a welfare state in 1940s Britain. He was writing a polemic addressed to a specific historical situation but his powerful critique of the planned economy has proved to be much more widely applicable. At its heart is the economic calculation problem, to which Hayek returned in more detail in The Use of Knowledge in Society (1945). A nation’s economy is a system of incredible complexity in which information is naturally widely dispersed; pricing within a free market is an aggregation of knowledge that allows for self-organisation within a society where no one individual or group can have a full understanding of the determining factors. This is impossible to mimic in a planned economy. The problem is not only that planners will fail to gain the omniscience needed to allocate resources with the efficiency of the market, but that their attempt to gather the necessary information inevitably pushes them towards an ever-greater accumulation of power. Hayek accepted the need for the government to provide a basic safety net, but the left’s desire to organise the economy would lead inexorably towards totalitarianism not because socialists were ill-intentioned but because of the inherent flaw in their understanding of markets and their role in organising society. The Road to Serfdom was published on 10 March 1944. The first edition of 20,000 copies sold out almost immediately. An American edition followed in September 1944, and the book reached a much wider audience through the condensed version that appeared in Reader’s Digest in April 1945. The Book of the Month Club alone distributed 600,000 copies of the condensed version. As a powerful challenge to the developing establishment consensus on both sides of the Atlantic for a pro-active role for the state, the book entrenched Hayek’s status as a strong voice of the libertarian right. When Churchill claimed during the 1945 General Election campaign that the Labour party would need “some sort of Gestapo” to fulfil its commitments to a Welfare State, this outburst was blamed on Hayek, and The Road to Serfdom was ferociously attacked by the New Dealers in the US. Hayek’s politics left him in a somewhat lonely position in the middle decades of the last century, but in the decades that followed Hayek was key to bringing reinvigorated free-market ideas back to the intellectual and political mainstream. Hayek never tried to repeat the exposition of his ideas in popular book form, although he was a tireless letter-writer to newspapers, nor did he get involved directly in politics. Instead in 1947 he organised a conference in Mont Pèlerin which gathered together advocates of free market economics and open societies – attendees included Karl Popper, Milton Friedman, Ludwig von Mises, Frank Knight, and George Stigler. The conference led to the foundation of the Mont Pelerin Society, the first of a series of think tanks that were to prove of inestimable importance to the spread of free market ideology, which warned in its “statement of aims”: “Over large stretches of the Earth’s surface the essential conditions of human dignity and freedom have already disappeared. In others they are under constant menace from the development of current tendencies of policy. The position of the individual and the voluntary group are progressively undermined by extensions of arbitrary power. Even that most precious possession of Western Man, freedom of thought and expression, is threatened by the spread of creeds which, claiming the privilege of tolerance when in the position of a minority, seek only to establish a position of power in which they can suppress and obliterate all views but their own.” In the decades that followed, sister organisations sprang up around the world. Hayek well understood the long-term political potency of these organisations. When he was approached by Antony Fisher, a businessman and former RAF pilot whose ideas were transformed by The Road to Serfdom, Hayek dissuaded him from entering politics: “Society’s course will be changed only by a change in ideas. First you must reach the intellectuals, the teachers and writers, with reasoned argument. It will be their influence on society which will prevail, and the politicians will follow.” Fisher went on to found the Institute of Economic Affairs, which has since had a profound influence in shaping political debate in Britain. Hayek himself had a series of eminent professorial appointments in the post-war decades, principally at the University of Chicago (1950-62) and then the University of Freiburg (1962-68). His work increasingly tackled broad philosophical questions relating to the nature of a free society and an understanding of structures which are “the results of human action but not of human intention”, and which form their own spontaneous order. Markets are the pre-eminent example of such structures and Hayek employed the term “catallaxy” to describe "the order brought about by the mutual adjustment of many individual economies in a market". Hayek believed that the basis of free societies was in forms of order that were generated within a society rather than being imposed upon it from above. In The Constitution of Liberty he attempted to outline “that condition of men in which coercion of some by others is reduced as much as is possible”: a society based on the rule of law, where law itself is understood as developing from accepted societal norms rather than a set of rules imposed from above. He criticized redistribution in the name of social justice: markets were neither just nor unjust – the results of an individual’s efforts are, after all, unpredictable – and “justice, like liberty and coercion, is a concept which, for the sake of clarity, ought to be confined to the deliberate treatment of men by other men”. His vision of society did not see a utopia in the far distance but required an acceptance of disparities and hard choices: “Freedom granted only when it is known beforehand that its effects will be beneficial is not freedom.” The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences decision to award the Prize in Economic Science in Memory of Alfred Nobel to Hayek in 1974 thus took place in a particular context. He was an eminent economist and political philosopher with the academic garlands that would be expected of a laureate, but Hayek was also someone powerfully associated with a particular political movement. The Academy may have been nervous about the possible political implications of the award: this can be surmised from their decision to award the Nobel jointly to Hayek and Gunnar Myrdal, the left-leaning Swedish sociologist and economist whose ideas were influential in European social democratic circles and provided intellectual underpinning to the distinctive Swedish welfare state, and whose antagonism to free market thinkers was such that he took the academy’s decision to award Milton Friedman the Nobel two years later as a reason to abolish the prize. Hayek himself had been ambivalent about the Nobel (“I didn’t approve of Nobel Prizes for economists – until they gave it to me, of course!”) but well understood the potency of the platform and did not hesitate to court controversy and reaffirm his position. His lecture, "The Pretence of Knowledge", began by castigating economists for promoting the policies that Hayek blamed for the inflation that threatened Western economies in the 1970s, but he soon moved to much deeper issues. The conclusion to his lecture is an eloquent exposition of Hayek’s deepest beliefs and is worth quoting at length: “To act on the belief that we possess the knowledge and the power which enable us to shape the processes of society entirely to our liking, knowledge which in fact we do not possess, is likely to make us do much harm [...] [I]n the social field the erroneous belief that the exercise of some power would have beneficial consequences is likely to lead to a new power to coerce other men being conferred on some authority. Even if such power is not in itself bad, its exercise is likely to impede the functioning of those spontaneous ordering forces by which, without understanding them, man is in fact so largely assisted in the pursuit of his aims. We are only beginning to understand on how subtle a communication system the functioning of an advanced industrial society is based – a communications system which we call the market and which turns out to be a more efficient mechanism for digesting dispersed information than any that man has deliberately designed. “If man is not to do more harm than good in his efforts to improve the social order, he will have to learn that in this, as in all other fields where essential complexity of an organized kind prevails, he cannot acquire the full knowledge which would make mastery of the events possible. He will therefore have to use what knowledge he can achieve, not to shape the results as the craftsman shapes his handiwork, but rather to cultivate a growth by providing the appropriate environment, in the manner in which the gardener does this for his plants. There is danger in the exuberant feeling of ever growing power which the advance of the physical sciences has engendered and which tempts man to try, “dizzy with success”, to use a characteristic phrase of early communism, to subject not only our natural but also our human environment to the control of a human will. The recognition of the insuperable limits to his knowledge ought indeed to teach the student of society a lesson of humility which should guard him against becoming an accomplice in men’s fatal striving to control society – a striving which makes him not only a tyrant over his fellows, but which may well make him the destroyer of a civilization which no brain has designed but which has grown from the free efforts of millions of individuals.” The public accolade of the Nobel prize reinvigorated Hayek, who had retired from Freiburg some years earlier. In the years that followed he completed his trilogy Law, Legislation and Liberty and was stimulated to begin a final major book, The Fatal Conceit. In the meantime his ideas were gaining increasing attention as the post-war political consensus began to break down. “This is what we believe” declared Margaret Thatcher, whipping The Constitution of Liberty from her handbag and slamming it on the table before a left-leaning party member. This much-retold story may be too good to be true, but Thatcher was happy to trace her belief in freedom back to ideas “imbibed at my father’s knee or acquired by candle-end reading of Burke and Hayek” (The Path to Power, 1995). One visitor to Ronald Reagan’s study has described coming across heavily annotated copies of Hayek and other free market thinkers on his bookshelves, so unsurprisingly Hayek was a major influence on many of the key figures in Reagan’s White House such as David Stockman, the President’s first director of the Office of Management and Budget, known as “the father of Reaganomics”. In the 1980s Hayek’s influence spread far beyond the west. Milton Friedman, the other great free market economist of the period, emphasised Hayek’s importance in the Communist bloc in a 1999 interview: “There is no figure who had more of an influence, no person had more of an influence on the intellectuals behind the Iron Curtain than Friedrich Hayek. His books were translated and published by the underground and black market editions, read widely, and undoubtedly influenced the climate of opinion that ultimately brought about the collapse of the Soviet Union.” FEW MODERN THINKERS HAVE HAD AN IMPACT ON PUBLIC LIFE TO RIVAL FRIEDRICH VON HAYEK’S, AND HIS IDEAS REMAIN AN INSPIRATION TO THOSE WHO BELIEVE THAT FREEDOM IS THE BEST PRIZE THAT SOCIETY CAN OFFER US. THE NOBEL MEMORIAL AWARD REPRESENTS THE PUBLIC ACKNOWLEDGEMENT OF AN INTELLECTUAL LIFE AND LEGACY OF UNIQUE IMPORTANCE. To view shipping calculator, please click here.

the sveriges riksbank prize in economic sciences in memory of alfred nobel, 1974

Books and Manuscripts, Medieval to Modern

Sir Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood Series of c.110 autograph or typed letters signed ("Sam"), to Max Aitken, Lord Beaverbrook (Dear Max") an important correspondence covering a wide range of political subjects, most written from within government or as Ambassador to Spain, c.238 pages, 4to and 8vo, House of Commons, 18 Cadogan Gdns, the Air Ministry, India Office, Home Office, British Embassy in Madrid, and other locations, 8 June 1921 to 25 April 1950, occasional staining and nicks[with:] 14 photographs of Hoare, each with Daily Express copyright stamp Samuel Hoare (1880-1959), created Viscount Templewood in 1944, was a leading Conservative politician. He served in intelligence in Russia and Italy during World War I; was the MP for Chelsea from 1910 to 1944; and held several Cabinet positions including Home Secretary (1937-39), Foreign Secretary (1935), Secretary of State for India (1931-35) and Secretary of State for Air (1922-29 and 1940). His historical reputation has suffered from his close association with the policy of Appeasement and especially the Hoare-Laval pact, which accepted the Italian invasion of Abyssinia. This long series of letters to the press baron and wartime minister Max Aitken, Lord Beaverbrook, provides a wealth of insight into the foreign policy views of a quintessential figure of the British establishment, as well as the inner workings of the Conservative party. The correspondence revolves chiefly on matters of policy, especially international affairs. When the correspondence begins in 1921, Hoare is focused the question of Ireland, then in the midst of its War of Independence, and one of the earliest letters includes a coruscating attack on British intelligence failures ("...Having run our Secret Service in Russia and Italy for four years, I know enough of intelligence methods to convince the Prime Minister that his show in Ireland was rotten from top to bottom...", 13 June 1921). In other letters, Hoare writes of the Middle East (“…'the Jewish and Arab States must now pay for themselves…”, October 1921), the rise of Fascism ("...the disclosures of your correspondent in Verlain have made a great impression in Germany and Hitler and his crowd were considerably disquieted by them...", 3 July 1934), and other subjects. For much of the time Hoare was a Cabinet Minister ("...Stanley Baldwin has asked me to enter the cabinet...", 25 May 1923), and many letters turn on the attitude of Beaverbrook's papers to policy areas under his ministerial purview, from the promotion of air travel to discontent in India. Other letters provide insights into leading figures in the Tory party, including Neville Chamberlain ("...He has, as we all know, a very cold manner. I always think that it is chiefly due to shyness and that behind it there is a very great deal of sentiment, particularly Imperial sentiment..." 27 July 1934). The biggest personality in the party was of course Churchill, who figures in many letters, such as when Hoare recounts a visit to Chartwell on 15 February 1926: "Most of the Sunday morning we inspected the property, and the engineering works upon which he is engaged. These engineering works consist of making a series of ponds in a valley, and Winston appears to be a great deal more interested in them than in anything else in the world." Their exuberant host "scarcely stopped talking the whole time [...] His is convinced that he is to be the prophet to lead us into the Promised Land". Hoare was one of the most prominent figures associated with the policy of Appeasement. In 1943, when Beaverbrook was planning a book on the lead-up to war, Hoare reflected on pre-war policies: "It was an atmosphere of peace at almost any price: the peace ballot, the Labour opposition against Service estimate and conscription, the pressure of business and industry against war. Neville was not the man to fight this opposition, for at the bottom of his heart he sympathised with it" (15 February 1943). When war came Hoare was appointed to Chamberlain's inner war cabinet, and the correspondence includes a hurried note from this time ("...you may have thought that he had asked you to come to see him for the purpose of offering you the ministry of Information. He wanted me to tell you that he could not make this offer as Macmillan was not resigning...", 28 October 1939). However, when Churchill came to power Hoare found himself out of political office, and was instead sent to Madrid as Ambassador. Hoare arrived in Spain to find a widespread expectation of imminent German victory ("...Nine Spaniards out of ten believe that Hitler will win the war in three weeks...", 6 June 1940). He soon announces to Beaverbrook that "I am making myself the centre of the movement against the Spanish entry into the war" (21 June 1940), explaining that whilst Franco's regime might be sympathetic to Germany, and German influence in Spain ran deep, exhaustion from the Civil War had left the Spanish with neither the appetite nor the materiel for another war. The swift Germany victory over France altered the situation ("...You can imagine the state of nerves here with the Germans on the Pyrenees..." 27 June 1940), and brought to Spain a flood of refugees, including the Duke of Windsor. Hoare soon finds himself having to tackle rumours that "I was making a peace with Germany through the medium of the Duke of Windsor" (5 July 1940). He offers policy suggestion, most remarkably perhaps that Morocco be offered to Spain as a colony ("...is it worth using Morocco as the bridge over which we can bring the Spaniards from the Berlin side to our own [...] I see the obvious snag, namely that it looks like dividing up the French Empire...", 23 July 1940), and finds himself waiting, like the Spanish, to see the outcome of the Battle of Britain ("...the Spaniards are sitting on the fence until they see how the invasion of England, and possibly Egypt, goes. They are convinced that they will get something for certain out of the war in Africa, and an arrangement about Gibraltar...", 7 August 1940). In later letters he warns against breaking with Petain and suspects de Gaulle of lacking support, worries about the unpopularity of the US in Spain, and expresses concern that the Spanish might join the war in early 1941 and again after the invasion of the USSR. His support for Churchill remains qualified ("...Winston has the faults of his qualities, and one of them is that being a better talker than anyone else, he is disinclined to listen to other people...", 2 May 1941) but he is full of praise for Beaverbrook's own role in government: "Your aeroplanes saved the Battle of Britain and your tanks have been the decisive instruments in the Battle of Libya" (23 December 1941).

View 1 of Lot 255: Sir Samuel Hoare | Series of c.110 letters to Lord Beaverbrook, 1920-50

View 1 of Lot 197: Sir Samuel Hoare, Viscount Templewood | Series of c.110 letters to Max Aitken, Lord Beaverbrook, 1921-1950

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