Fine Watches

Dial: silvered Caliber: cal. L 942.1 mechanical, 27 jewels Movement number: 31’514 Case: 18k white gold, hunting case back with sapphire crystal display back secured by six screws Case number: 171’054, 04/50 Closure: 18k white gold A. Lange & Söhne buckle Size: 37.5 mm diameter Signed: case, dial and movement Box: yes Papers: yes Accessories: A. Lange & Söhne presentation box with outer packaging, Guarantee booklet dated September 2nd, 2007, booklet, leather bi-fold, polishing cloth, and two hang tags

View 1 of Lot 246: Reference 223.026 1815 Up Down | A limited edition white gold wristwatch with power reserve indication, Circa 2007

reference 223.026 1815 up down | a limited edition white gold wristwatch with power reserve indication, circa 2007

Important Watches II

A. Lange & Söhne 1815 Up/Down, Reference 221.025 A platinum wristwatch with power reserve indication and hacking feature, Circa 2006 朗格 1815 Up/Down 型號221.025 鉑金腕錶，備動力儲備顯示，約2006年製 Dial: silvered Calibre: cal. L942.1 mechanical, 27 jewels Movement number: 24’214 Case: platinum, sapphire crystal display back secured by 6 screws Case number: 134‘412 Closure: black A. Lange & Söhne alligator strap with platinum buckle Size: 36 mm diameter Signed: case, dial and movement Accessories: A. Lange & Söhne Guarantee Certifcate and presentation box 附帶證書及盒子

View 1 of Lot 8718: 1815 Up/Down, Reference 221.025 | A platinum wristwatch with power reserve indication and hacking feature, Circa 2006 | 朗格 | 1815 Up/Down 型號221.025 | 鉑金腕錶，備動力儲備顯示，約2006年製 

1815 up/down, reference 221.025 | a platinum wristwatch with power reserve indication and hacking feature, circa 2006 | 朗格 | 1815 up/down 型號221.025 | 鉑金腕錶，備動力儲備顯示，約2006年製

Watches Weekly | A. Lange & Söhne and No Reserve

A. LANGE & SÖHNE 1815 UP/DOWN, REFERENCE 221.025 A BRAND NEW PLATINUM WRISTWATCH WITH HACKING FEATURE AND POWER RESERVE INDICATION, CIRCA 2010 Dial: silvered Calibre: cal. L942.1 mechanical, 27 jewels Movement number: 24'409 Case: platinum, sapphire crystal display back secured by 6 screws Case number: 136'850 Closure: black unsigned alligator strap and platinum A. Lange & Söhne buckle Size: 36 mm diameter Signed: case, dial and movement

a. lange & söhne | 1815 up/down, reference 221.025, a brand new platinum wristwatch with hacking feature and power reserve indication, circa 2010

Watches Online

A. LANGE & SÖHNE REF 1815 UP DOWN A YELLOW GOLD WRISTWATCH WITH POWER RESERVE CIRCA 2005 Dial: white Caliber: cal. L 942.1 manual winding movement, 27 jewels Movement number: 24532 Case: 18k yellow gold, sapphire display back secured by six screws Case number: 134220 Closure: stainless steel associated buckle Size: diameter 36 mm Signed: case, dial and movement Accessories: A. Lange & Söhne presentation box with outer packaging

a. lange & söhne | ref 1815 up down, a yellow gold wristwatch with power reserve circa 2005

Important Watches I

A. Lange & Söhne 1815 Up/Down, Reference 234.026 A white gold wristwatch with power reserve indication, Circa 2014 朗格 1815 Up/Down 型號234.026 白金腕錶，備動力儲備顯示，約2014年製 Dial: silvered Calibre: cal. L051.2 mechanical, 29 jewels Movement number: 107'108 Case: 18k white gold, sapphire crystal display back secured by 6 screws Case number: 215'950 Closure: brown unsigned alligator strap and 18k white gold A. Lange & Söhne buckle Size: 39 mm diameter Signed: case, dial and movement Accessories: none

View 1 of Lot 2154: 1815 Up/Down, Reference 234.026 | A white gold wristwatch with power reserve indication, Circa 2014 | 朗格 | 1815 Up/Down 型號234.026 | 白金腕錶，備動力儲備顯示，約2014年製

1815 up/down, reference 234.026 | a white gold wristwatch with power reserve indication, circa 2014 | 朗格 | 1815 up/down 型號234.026 | 白金腕錶，備動力儲備顯示，約2014年製

18k, three-quarter plate lever movement, mono-metallic compensation balance, precision regulator, screwed chatons, 27 jewels, matte silver dial, arabic numerals, subsidiary dials for constant seconds and power reserve, circular case with sapphire crystal back secured by six screws, case, dial and movement signed, with 18k pink gold Lange buckle, accompanied by A. Lange & Söhne presentation box, certificate and valid warranty guarantee.

a fine pink gold wristwatch, a. lange & söhne, glashütte in sachsen, '1815 up and down' 2002

Watches

• Cal. L942 manual-winding nickel lever movement, 27 jewels, mono-metallic balance, sapphire crystal display cuvette • white dial, painted black Arabic numerals, blued steel hands, two subsidiary dial for power reserve and subsidiary seconds • 18k yellow gold circular case, solid hinged case back • case, dial, and movement signed • with an 18k yellow gold A. Lange & Söhne buckle

a limited edition 18k yellow gold wristwatch with power reserve 2008 ref 223.021 mvt 48448 case 171045 1815 up and down model no 45/50

Important Watches

• cal. L942.1 three quarter plate manual winding nickel lever movement, 27 jewels, some carried in gold screwed chatons • blue dial, Arabic numerals, subsidiary dials for power reserve indication and constant seconds, minute track • 18k white gold case, sapphire crystal display back secured by six screws • case, dial and movement signed • with an 18k white gold A. Lange & Söhne buckle

a white gold wristwatch with power reserve indicationcase 118790 1815 up/down circa 1999

• cal. L942 three-quarter plate manual winding movement, 27 jewels, mono-metallic balance • white dial, painted black Arabic numerals, blued steel hands, two subsidiary dial for power reserve and subsidiary seconds • platinum case, sapphire crystal display back • case, dial, and movement signed • with a platinum A. Lange & Söhne buckle

a fine platinum wristwatch with power reserve indicationcase 136850 1815 up/down circa 2010

18k, three-quarter plate lever movement, mono-metallic compensation balance, precision regulator, screwed chatons, 27 jewels, matte silver dial, arabic numerals, subsidiary dials for constant seconds and power reserve, circular case with sapphire crystal back secured by six screws, case, dial and movement signed, with 18k gold Lange buckle, together with presentation box, guarantee and instructions

a fine gold wristwatch with power reserve, a. lange & söhne, glashutte, sauhsen, 1815 up and down, circa 1997

• cal. L942.1 three quarter plate manual winding nickel lever movement, 27 jewels, some carried in gold screwed chatons • blue dial, Arabic numerals, subsidiary dials for up and down indication and constant seconds • sapphire crystal display back secured by six screws • case, dial and movement signed • 18k white gold Lange & Söhne buckle

an 18k white gold wristwatch with power reservecirca 2000 1815

• pinned cylinder type music with a sectional comb comprising 51 and 49 tuned vibrating blades on each mechanism, 17 sections of 3 each on one and 16 sections of 3 each plus one additional one on the other, each playing a different tune by shifting the cylinder up and down via a lever controlled from the outside, four arm fly pinion • rectangular with oval corners, both with engine-turned central, sides and back panels, hinged aperture with a foliage motif on the edges, one with an oval central panel depicting a lyre and the other one octagonal with a harp and hunting horn, each depicting musical allegories, borders with blue enamel acanthus, pin at the back for activating, pin at the left for changing tunes • both boxes stamped with case maker's mark 'AM' for 'Alexandre Magnin'

two very rare yellow gold and enamel musical snuff boxes playing two tunes one being 'god save the queen' circa 1815 no 344 and no 418

History in Manuscript: Letters and Documents from a Distinguished Collection

Napoleon I--Gaspard Gourgaud Autograph manuscript draft by General Gourgaud, probably dictated by Napoleon, describing the events leading up to the coup d'état of 18 Brumaire, which marked a turning point in Napoleon’s career: the present extract begins with the arrival of the fleet from Egypt off Fréjus, the rapturous welcome accorded to Napoleon, his journey to Paris, and concludes with his subsequent negotiations with the Directors, in particular with Barras, which led him finally to the decision to remove the Directors and Council of 500, nine pages, folio, St Helena, [c. 1815-1818], all but the first page written on rectos only, hastily written and heavily abbreviated, on paper with Britannia watermark and “C Cripps 1811”, in fitted modern blue case, slight fraying at margins The coup d'etat of 18 brumaire [9 November 1799] marked Napoleon's transition from military commander to ruler. On his return from Egypt, finding France sloppily governed by the Directors, he overthrew the Directory and set up a government by three consuls, he himself becoming First Consul in December. The present manuscript corresponds roughly to the text of pages 51 to 65 in the Mémoirs pour servir à l'histoire de France sous Napoléon, écrits par les généraux qui ont partagé sa captivité..., the first two volumes edited by Gourgaud and published by Firmin Didot in 1823. After a brief introductory section the first part of the chapter, which is divided into numbered sections, begins with the arrival of the flotilla off Fréjus. The printed text is more polished and elegantly expanded than the manuscript, which gives every indication of being written at great speed. The spelling of Gohier as “Goyer” in the manuscript may suggest that it was taken down from dictation. Baron Gourgaud accompanied Napoleon to St Helena, where he remained until 1818. He was by all accounts a prickly character, quick to take offence and prone to petty jealousies. His journal, however, is considered one of the most reliable accounts of the captivity. He died in 1852. PROVENANCE: Sotheby's, London, 15 May 1996, Lot 206

View 1 of Lot 114: Napoleon I--Gaspard Gourgaud | Manuscript account of events leading to 18 Brumaire, probably dictated by Napoleon

napoleon i--gaspard gourgaud | manuscript account of events leading to 18 brumaire, probably dictated by napoleon

Music: Books & Manuscripts

Schubert, Franz Extraordinary autograph letter signed ("Schubert[paraph]"), to his close friend Franz von Schober ("Lieber Schober!"), THE COMPOSER'S LAST SURVIVING LETTER, probably 12 November 1828 stating simply that he is ill and has not eaten anything for eleven days, describing how he staggers feebly and unsteadily from chair to bed and back again, informing him that [Dr.] Rinna is treating him, and that when he manages to eat anything he just brings it up again straight away; in the second part of the letter Schubert makes a request to Schober for reading material to help him in his desperate situation, noting that he has read by [James Fenimore] Cooper The Last of the Mohicans, The Spy, The Pilot, and The Pioneers, and pleading with him, should he have anything else by him, to leave it for him at Bogner's coffee-house, drily telling him that his brother, who is conscientiousness itself, will most conscientiously bring it over to him, adding that anything else would do too ...Ich bin krank. Ich habe schon 11 Tage nichts gegessen u. nichts getrunken, u. wandle matt u. schwankend von Sessel zu Bett u. zurück. Rinna behandelt mich. Wenn ich auch was genieße, so muß ich es gleich wieder von mir geben. Sey also so gut, mir in dieser verzweiflungsvollen Lage durch Lecktüre zu Hülfe zu kommen...Von Cooper habe ich gelesen: Den letzten der Mohikaner, den Spion, den Lootsen u. die Ansiedler. Solltest Du vielleicht noch was von ihm haben, so beschwöre ich Dich mir solches bey der Fr. von Bogner im Kaffe[e]h[au]s[e] zu depositiren. Mein Bruder, die Gewissenhaftigkeit selbst, wird solches am gewissenhaftesten mir überbringen. Oder auch etwas Anderes. Dein Freund Schubert[paraph] 2 pages, 8vo (c.19.6 x 12.5cm), fine watermarked paper, integral blank, annotated by the recipient ("Erhalten den 12ten November 1828 Fr.v. Schober[paraph]"), later pencil annotation to upper left-hand corner of first page ("97"), [Vienna, probably 12 November 1828], small hole not affecting text WRITTEN SHORTLY BEFORE THE COMPOSER'S UNTIMELY DEATH AT THE AGE OF 31, THIS LETTER IS ONE OF THE MOST POIGNANT DOCUMENTS BY A MUSICIAN EVER TO BE OFFERED AT AUCTION. IT IS UNQUESTIONABLY THE MOST IMPORTANT SCHUBERT LETTER TO BE AUCTIONED IN RECENT TIMES, AND IS ONE OF THE MOST SIGNIFICANT LETTERS BY ANY COMPOSER REMAINING IN PRIVATE HANDS. The history of music is strewn with the names of composers cut down in their youth or younger years - Purcell, Pergolesi, Mozart, Bellini, to list only a few. But it is perhaps the case of Schubert, who died just two months before his thirty-second birthday, that inspires the most regret for what might have been composed. As Grillparzer's famous epitaph on Schubert's grave monument put it: "The art of music has entombed here a rich treasure but even fairer hopes". But this is not to deny Schubert's staggering achievements in the areas of orchestral music, chamber music, piano music and, of course, the German lied. Indeed, the eleven months preceding the writing of the present letter witnessed the composition of some of Schubert's very greatest works, including the Fantasy in F minor for piano duet, D. 940 (January-April), the sublime three last piano sonatas, in C minor, A, and B flat, D. 958-960 (September), and the great String Quintet in C, D. 956 (September-October), whose by-turns unearthly beautiful and volcanic slow movement drew from Artur Rubinstein and Thomas Mann the desire to die while listening to it. As a period of miraculous creativity, Schubert's last months, particularly, have few equals in the history of music. Much in Schubert's private life remains a mystery, and it is perhaps fitting that the composer's last letter should be addressed to the somewhat ambiguous figure of the sometime actor, lithographer and poet Franz von Schober (1796-1882), one of Schubert's closest friends, and under whose charismatic, perhaps even pernicious, spell the composer had fallen following their acquaintance in 1815. A dabbler in the arts, probably an enthusiastic opium-smoker, and also the author of the bungled libretto of Schubert's opera Alfonso und Estrella (1821-1822), he was the keeper of many of the composer's secrets. Whether in fact he complied with Schubert's desperate appeal in his letter for more reading matter by the American author James Fenimore Cooper (1789-1851), whose historical romances depicting frontier and Native American life were then very popular, is not known. It appears however that Schober did not visit the composer himself in his last days, perhaps out of fear of infection, perhaps because Schubert had failed to visit him during an illness of his own two years earlier. In a life as famously 'uneventful' as Schubert's, the state of his health and tragic demise on Wednesday, 19 November 1828, a week after the present letter, naturally loom large. The composer's death certificate stated that he had died of Nervenfieber (nervous fever), which in German-speaking lands was synonymous with typhus. Today, however, there is some consensus that Schubert, at the end of his life, was likely suffering from bacterial typhoid fever, whose initial symptoms may have been mistaken for those he was already experiencing as a result of the syphilis infection he had acquired at the end of 1822. By the end of 1828 it is probable that Schubert was in the final, tertiary, stage of the disease, although this was not the direct cause of death. Already by August 1828 Schubert had been feeling sufficiently unwell to consult his own doctor, the distinguished court physician Ernst Rinna von Sarenbach, personal medical advisor to the emperor Franz, who recommended that the composer move to his elder brother Ferdinand (1794-1859), mentioned in the letter, and with whom Schubert had a close relationship, in the supposedly healthier Vienna suburb of Wieden. On 31 October Schubert felt ill after dining on fish at the tavern Zum roten Kreuz. On 3 November he attended a performance of a Requiem by his brother, and the following day famously took his sole counterpoint lesson with Simon Sechter. Soon after this Schubert retired to his bed, exclaiming that there was nothing wrong with him, 'only I am so exhausted that I feel as if I were going to fall through the bed'. From either the 11th of November, according to his friends Spaun and Bauernfeld, or the 14th, according to Ferdinand Schubert, the composer finally took to his bed, being nursed by his 13-year-old half-sister Josefa and his brother's wife Anna. On the 16th a sick-bed conference was held between the physicians Johann Wisgrill and Josef von Vering, the latter having taken over Schubert's treatment after Rinna himself fell ill. Spaun reports at this time Schubert's periods of violent delirium. On 18 November the composer had to be physically restrained in his bed, at one point raising his arm to the wall and exclaiming "Here, here is my end!". The following day, by 3pm, Schubert was dead. LITERATURE Georg Kinsky, Katalog der Musikautographen-Sammlung Louis Koch (Stuttgart, 1953), no. 168; Otto Erich Deutsch, Schubert: a documentary biography, trans. by Eric Blom (London, 1946), no. 1158; John Reed, Schubert: the final years (London, 1972), passim; Elizabeth Norman McKay, Franz Schubert: a biography (Oxford, 1996), passim; TNG, xxii (2001), pp. 655ff. PROVENANCE Formerly in the legendary collection of Louis Koch (1862-1930)

View 1 of Lot 55: F. Schubert. The composer's last surviving letter, written to his close friend Franz von Schober, 1828

f. schubert. the composer's last surviving letter, written to his close friend franz von schober, 1828

The Birds of America from Original Drawings by John James Audubon

the birds of america; from the original drawings by john james audubon. london: published by the author, 1827–1838

Books, Manuscripts and Music from Medieval to Modern

Emily Eden Correspondence and personal papers: i) Box of correspondence, comprising about 125 letters by Emily Eden, intermingled with a small number of letters by various correspondents to Emily Eden, arranged as follows: c.45 autograph letters signed, to her sister Eleanor, Countess of Buckinghamshire, in six labelled bundles, 1814-19 c.24 autograph letters signed, to Lady Charlotte Greville, Lady Dover, and others, in six labelled bundles, 1821-35 c.27 autograph letters signed, chiefly to Lord Charles Greville, written from India, in one substantial bundle, 1837-41 c.32 autograph letters signed, to Lena Eden and various other correspondents, in two labelled bundles, c.1842-66 with: c.69 letters by George, Lord Auckland, chiefly to his sister Emily Eden but with a few to other family members, in two labelled bundles, 1814-46 6 letters to Emily Eden and other family members by various correspondents including King William IV, 1830s some letters with later pencil marks and annotations, probably by Violet Dickinson (great-niece of Emily Eden) ii) Emily Eden, Commonplace book, chiefly containing verses , including poems by Byron, Thomas Moore, and others, also some poems with revisions, probably of her own authorship, on strikingly gothic themes ("Hast thou e'er heard the agonising shriek..."), 50 pages, plus blanks, title page dated 26 June 1814, 4to, blind tooled green sheepskin, wear to binding iii) Diary, occasional entries from 18 October 1820 to 3 March 1821, reflecting on her illness and thoughts of death, a visit by Henry Brougham at the time of the trial of Queen Caroline, and the gradual improvement to her health, 13 pages, plus blanks, 4to, blue boards, part of entry for 3 March 1821 torn out iv) Album containing transcription of entries from Emily Eden’s Indian diary, November-December 1838, 37 pages, with, from the reverse, cuttings, letters, etc., chiefly 1860s, including a group relating to the temporary disappearance of Rev. B. Speke in 1868, 4to, marbled boards, wear to covers and spine Emily Eden (1797-1869) was a shrewd, witty and observant member of the Whig aristocracy into which she was born. Her father William Eden, 1st Baron Auckland (1744-1814), was a close ally of Pitt whose long diplomatic career culminated in service as ambassador to the Hague through the early period of the French Revolutionary wars, whilst her maternal grandfather Sir Gilbert Elliot (1722-77) had been a prominent politician and literary patron. Emily Eden was one of twelve children. She never married but established a household with her sister Frances and eldest brother George, 2nd Baron (later Earl) Auckland, both of whom were also unmarried. Her striking independence of mind (of Waterloo, for example, she writes that "I am quite tired of rejoicing and lamenting over this news which, upon the whole, strikes me as very melancholy, though I know that is a very wrong feeling", 24 June 1815) and her serious literary ambitions ensure that her letters provide an extraordinarily readable and insightful record of the British ruling elite in the first half of the nineteenth century. The correspondence included here runs from the reign of George III to the widowhood of Victoria ("...the Queen looked though much older, so pretty in her widow’s cap. She had grown very thin & pale & with a look of having gone through much suffering…”, December 1861) but falls principally into two main periods. The first is the Regency. Alongside a commonplace book - which reveals her early poetic interests - and a fragmentary diary, there is a wealth of letters, full of amusing and often acid gossip, addressed to her older sister Eleanor, wife of the Earl of Buckinghamshire. Anne Isabella Noel’s betrothal to Byron, for example, draws a memorable response: “She does not seem to be acting with her usual good sense is Mama’s opinion, as by all accounts Lord Byron is not likely to make any woman very happy” (26 September 1814). Her account of a visit to Studley Royal House (built on the ruins of Fountains Abbey) skewers the taste for gothic in a manner worthy of Northanger Abbey: “The house is but a bad one in the old-fashioned way, and my room was peculiarly liable to murder and that sort of accident, a large dark green bed with black feathers on the top, stuck in a deep alcove, and on one side of it an enormous dark closet, quite full of banditti I fancy, and all the rest of the room actually swarming with ghosts I know, only I was much too sleepy to lay awake and look at them[.]” She also comments wryly on the frivolous side of her life as a young aristocratic woman, as when the Queen cancels a reception after extensive preparations had already been made: "As the Queen has been so uncivil and even spiteful to me and my sattin gown, as to put off the drawing-room, our three letters per day upon dress may now cease, and this is merely a letter of thanks for all the trouble you have taken with Wynne, Pontet, lace, notes, hoops, drapery, sattin, carriers, feathers, jewels, etc., and which have unluckily, by this strange and unaccountable spitefulness of H.M., all proved useless." (9 March 1815) The other main group of letters in the current archive date from the Emily Eden's years in India (1836-1842), for which she is now probably best remembered. Many Britons of the period travelled to India, of course, but Emily Eden did so in decidedly exceptional circumstances: as companion to her brother George when he was appointed Governor General. In Calcutta this woman, who often seems to have stepped from the pages of Jane Austen, found herself living as an Oriental princess, a central figure in extravagant ceremonials and pageantry. She escaped from the tedium of this life through travel, which was frequently less luxurious (“...The camels are slipping down and dying in all directions, the hackeries sticking in the rivers. And one’s personal comfort! Little ditches running round each tent, with a slosh of mud that one invariably steps into…”, 13 November 1838). Her letters to Charles Greville provide, for example, a remarkable record of a visit to the Sikh Maharajah Ranjit Singh. "I hardly know how to state to you delicately that the Mission was met at the frontier by troops of Cashmerian young ladies, great dancers and singers", she explains, and continues with a delighted account of the Maharajah's love of alcohol: "He requested George to send him samples of all the wines he had, which he did, but took the precaution of adding some whiskey and cherry brandy, knowing what Runjeet Singh’s habits are. The whiskey he highly approved of, and he told MacNaghten that he could not understand why the Governor-General gives himself the trouble of drinking seven or eight glasses of wine when one glass of whiskey would do the same quantity of work. He had asked one gentleman to a regular drinking-party, which they were dreading (as the stuff he drinks is a sort of liquid fire), and his great amusement is to watch that it is fairly drunk.” (10 June 1838) Social life and her own immediate milieu were without question Eden's great subject; several of her letters referring to the First Opium War, for example, coincide with the death of a beloved dog and it is the latter which elicits the greater emotion from her pen (“…I do not believe there ever was so clever a dog, and very few equally clever men…” 6 April 1841). Nevertheless, she was far from unaware of the political backdrop to her presence in India. Ranjit Singh died the year after the drunken visit described above, and the Punjab swiftly collapsed into instability. Eden's predicts a future for the region that was not only accurate but provides an admirably pithy summary of British imperial policy: "It is not actually any business of ours, but it interrupts our communications with Afghanistan; and, in short, it is obvious that it might at last furnish one of those pretences for interference England delights in, and when once we begin I know (don’t you?) what becomes of the country we assist—swallowed up whole.” (12 April 1841) LITERATURE: Miss Eden's Letters, ed. Violet Dickinson (1919)

View 1 of Lot 187: Emily Eden | Correspondence and papers, 1810s-1860s

emily eden | correspondence and papers, 1810s-1860s

Fine Books and Manuscripts

Adams, John Autograph letter signed ("Your friend, John Adams"), to John Trumbull 2 pages (250 x 198 mm) on the first leaf of a bifolium of wove paper (watermarked Wilmont | 1815), Quincy, 18 March 1817, integral address leaf directed in another hand to Colonel John Trumbull at New York City [initial direction to the City of Washington ruled through], marked "Free" in Adams's hand and with his franking signature ("J. Adams"), and with Trumbull's reception docket; a little browned, some repair at folds and fold separations, seal tear neatly repaired, one small gouge and one small spot of ink erosion, each touching a couple of letters. Housed in a blue buckram portfolio with maroon morocco label with engraved portraits of Adams, Trumbull, and an engraved copy of Trumbull's "Declaration of Independence." "[A]n Officer of Rank and merit in the Revolutionary Army … is now destined to transmit to Posterity some of its most celebrated military Events. …" A remarkable letter on the iconography of the United States, written to John Trumbull, a "founding father" of American art, whose four grand canvases hanging in the United States Capitol rotunda are among the most familiar images in American history: Declaration of Independence, Surrender of General Burgoyne, Surrender of Lord Cornwallis, and General George Washington Resigning His Commission. The son of the Revolutionary War governor of Connecticut, John Trumbull was a largely self-taught artist. After he volunteered for Continental service in 1775, his skill in sketching enemy positions and installations caught the eye of George Washington, who made him one his aides de camp. Miffed at losing a promotion due to a question of precedence, Trumbull resigned in 1777 the colonelcy he had been awarded and devoted himself more seriously to painting. Although the record is unclear, in 1780, Trumbull may have undertaken secret missions on behalf of the nascent United States in both Paris and London. While in London, he studied with Benjamin West, but was arrested, convicted of espionage, and imprisoned. After six months, he was released, but expelled from England. After the Treaty of Paris normalized relations between the two nations, Trumbull returned to London and his studies with West. There he began—with The Death of General Warren at the Battle of Bunker’s Hill—the series of contemporary historical paintings on which his fame rests. Trumbull hoped to monetize his paintings by having them engraved, and while in Paris in 1786 in search of an engraver, he met Thomas Jefferson, then U.S. minister France. It was Jefferson who suggested that Trumbull add the "merely political" (in John Adams’s words; see below) Declaration of Independence to his cycle of military subject. While in Paris, Trumbull took Jefferson’s portrait for the Declaration, as well as those of many French officers for Yorktown. Returning to the States in 1789, Trumbull continued to make life portraits of many of the figures in his paintings, including George Washington. (At this point, the original paintings were largely finished other than the heads of the subjects.) But despite gaining such subscribers as Washington and John Adams, sales of the engravings were slow, and Trumbull was forced to abandon the project for a decade while he pursued a diplomatic career, including service as John Jay’s secretary during the negotiation of Jay’s Treaty. Ironically, it was the aftermath of another war that revived Trumbull’s Revolutionary-era project. The Capitol had been badly damaged when the British burned Washington, D.C., during the War of 1812, and when the restoration of the building was being planned—which would encompass the original plan for a central rotunda—Trumbull proposed that monumental versions of his historical paintings be hung in the new space. Early on, Trumbull sought the support of John Adams for this proposal, and in a 26 December 1816 letter to the former president he explained his scheme: "Twenty Eight years ago, I had the honor of painting in London your portrait in my picture of the Declaration of Independence,—the long succeeding period of War and Calamity palsied and suspended thy progress in the work of which that picture was a most important part. Peace is at length restored; I have resumed my task; that Picture is finished; Trenton, Princeton & York Town are far advanced; and in a few days it is my intention to take them all with me to Washington. The government of the U. S. are restoring to more than their original Magnificence the national buildings there, which were destroyed in the fury of War, and I have thought this the proper opportunity to make an application for public patronage & to request to be employed in decorating the walls of those buildings, with the paintings of national History which have employed so many years of my Life: I trust it will be thought that the declaration of Independence, with portraits of those eminent Patriots & Statesmen who then laid the foundation of the Nation; as also the military Pictures with portraits of the Heroes who either cemented that foundation with their blood, or lived to aid in the Superstructure will be appropriate Ornaments for the Halls of the Senate and the Representatives; as well as impressive lessons to future Statesmen & Heroes. The work has been carried thus far by my own unaided exertions, & can be completed only by me:—future Artists may possess superior talents, but time has already withdrawn almost all the models of that most interesting period—and I who was one of the youngest Actors in the early Scenes of the War, have passed the Age of Sixty & can scarcely hope for the time necessary to complete such an undertaking. The memory of your early kindness, and of the interest which you formerly took in this work, leave me no doubt of your approbation & powerful protection at this time." Adams replied on 1 January 1817, assuring Trumbull, "Your design has my cordial Approbation and best Wishes." However, Adams also admitted that he saw "no disposition to celebrate or remember, or even Curiosity to enquire into the Characters Actions or Events of the Revolution,” and that he was “more inclined to despair, than to hope for your Success in Congress: though I wish it with all my heart." Despite Adams’s pessimism, Trumbull was able to report on 28 January, that "in this instance Our Country has departed from those erroneous principles which have too generally governed Man kind in the application of the Arts.—& that by a Vote nearly unanimous in the Senate, and by a very large majority in the House of Representatives, the President is authorized to employ me in painting four Subjects illustrative of the great events of the Revolution to be placed in the Capitol … of these the Declaration of Independance is the favorite.” In a follow-up letter of 3 March, Trumbull confirmed the assignment: “I have waited until I could write with certainty: and I did not feel that I could do this, until I knew the decision of the house of Representatives on the agreement made with me by the President:—the passing of the Appropriation bill by that house, including a Sum on account of that agreement, sanctions & concludes the transaction. I have now the Satisfaction therefore to acquaint you that unexpected Success has crowned my wishes (to which your cordial approbation contributed not a little.)—and that I am authorized to paint the Declaration of Independance:—the Surrender of Burgoyne:—the Surrender of Cornwallis:—& the resignation of Washington: … These pictures are to be 12 feet high, by 18 feet long, which will admit the principal figures to be large as life:—I shall begin with the Declaration of Independance, & shall exert all the Talent which I possess to produce a Work worthy of the scene, & of the high patronage under which I act." Trumbull's congressional appropriation has been called "the first great commission to be won by an artist in the United States" (Irma B. Jaffe, in American National Biography). The present letter is Adams’s response to Trumbull’s joyful news, full of admiration of both the artist and his subjects: "I thank you for your favour of the 3d. and congratulate you on your success; which I hope and believe will be an honourable and a noble Establishment, though it may not be so lucrative as I wish it, for Life[.] "There is a coincidence of circumstances which affects me very sensibly. A son of Governor Trumbull so meritorious and so conspicuous a character in the Revolution; an Officer of Rank and merit in the Revolutionary Army; a Painter of Warren and Montgomery,: is now destined to transmit to Posterity some of its most celebrated military Events; one only merely political. "The dimensions, 18 by 12 appear vast. Though I never past through Antwerp, without gazing at all the Paintings of Reubens, I cannot depend upon my memory to say that even his descent from the cross, or his Apotheosis of the Virgin exceed these Measures. [The Reubens works are, in fact, considerably smaller than Trumbull’s.] "I have been informed that one of greatest talents of a Painter, is a capacity to comprehend a large space, and to proportion all his figures to it. "Truth, Nature, Fact, should be your sole guide. Let not our Posterity be deluded by fictions under pretence of poetical or graphical Licenses." As Adams continues, he demonstrates that unlike Congress (at least as he perceived it), he did have the disposition to both remember and celebrate the characters and events of the Revolution. And despite his lifelong satisfaction in having championed the Declaration of Independence, he dates the birth of the Revolution some fifteen years earlier: to the debate in Massachusetts about the constitutionality of the Writs of Assistance that permitted British customs officials to colonists' homes, business, and even vessels without warning or warrant. "Now, Sir, as I have taken the liberty of Friendship to preach to you; I ask your indulgence for a question or two. "Who, of your profession will undertake to paint a Debate or an Argument? Discussions in the Legislature we call Debates; the disputes in the Tribunals of Justice we call Arguments. "Who will paint the Arguments, in the Counsell Chamber in Boston in the Month of February 1761 between Mr {Jeremiah] Gridley and Mr [James] Otis, upon the question of Writts of Assistants? I dare not draw the Characters of Gridley or Otis. The latter, as if he had been inspired with a spirit of Prophecy, laid open to the view of a crouded Audience all that has since happened in America. Here the Revolution commensed. Then and there, the Child was born." Extending his challenge to the ability of painting to truly capture history, Adams invokes his second cousin's confrontations with the Royal Governor Thomas Hutchinson and Lt. Col. William Dalrymple, the military commander of the town of Boston. "Who will paint Samuel Adams at the head of ten thousand Freemen and Volunteers, with his quivering paralytic hands in the Counsel Chamber shaking the souls of Hutchinson and Dalrymple and driving down to the Castle the two offending Regiments, which Lord North ever afterwards called 'Sam. Adamses two Regiments'?" Aware of the candor of his reply, Adams, in closing, asks for Trumbull's discretion. "I have known enough of your discretion to believe it unnecessary to caution you to consider this Letter as confidential from your Friend." REFERENCES: https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/99-02-02-6730 (Early Access document from The Adams Papers), with variations in paragraphing and a few incidentals. NB: the other Adams and Trumbull letters quoted in the description can similarly be found as Early Access documents in the online Adams Papers. PROVENANCE: The Col. John Trumbull Letters and Papers (Stan. V. Henkels/Thos. Birch’s Sons, 1897, catalogue 778, lot 74) — Dr. George C. F. Williams, Hartford, Connecticut (Anderson, 17 May 1926, lot 715: “Autograph Letters of John Adams are excessively rare. One on such a subject as this is well-nigh priceless.”)

View 1 of Lot 1001: Adams, John | Adams congratulates John Trumbull on his monumental paintings for the Capitol rotunda

adams, john | adams congratulates john trumbull on his monumental paintings for the capitol rotunda

L12408

8vo, first edition, the author's copy extended to four volumes, folio (490 x 330mm) each with additional title page, lavishly extra-illustrated with nearly 900 items including c.200 letters and documents (described in more detail below), mostly by British naval figures from the age of Nelson, including three letters by Nelson, but also including earlier letters and also letters written to Broadley relating to his research and publication of the book and a series of letters and press cuttings relating to the 1906 sale of Nelson's draft Trafalgar Memorandum; an original ink and wash drawing of the death of Nelson, attributed on the verso to Isaac Cruickshank; c.80 contemporary caricatures, late 18th-early 19th, most hand-coloured, including six by Gillray, four by Rowlandson, two by H. Humphrey, eight by Woodward, three by I. Cruickshank, and two by G. Cruickshank, predominantly concerned with naval affairs, and more than 460 other prints, including mezzotint portraits of Nelson, Collingwood, Alexander Davison, and others, many other portraits, naval scenes, harbour views (including an aquatint view of St George's, Bermuda, engraved by I.C. Stadler), illustrations of Dorsetshire interest, and others, also two early printed maps, John Speed, Britain as it was … in the tyme of the Englishe-Saxons [The Heptarchy], ?1627, and Christopher Saxton, Dorcestriae, 1579, contemporary colour, with c.140 other items including a copy of Blake, Robert, and Monke, George, A True Relation of the late Great Sea Fight [the Battle of the Gabbard]. Henry Hills, 1653 [Wing B3138], three different chapbooks each entitled A Garland of New Songs, Newcastle: J. Marshall, n.d. with songs on the Battle of the Nile, and other contemporary ephemera, pamphlets, broadsheets, press cuttings, photographs, and other printed matter, half blue morocco gilt, Volume 2 with four loose plates, Volume 3 with one loose leaf, Volume 4 with five leaves loose and 19 items loose at the end, bindings rubbed at joints

8vo, first edition, the author's copy extended to four volumes, folio (490 x 330mm) each with additional title page, lavishly extra-illustrated with nearly 900 items including c.200 letters and documents (described in more detail below), mostly by British naval figures from the age of Nelson, including three letters by Nelson, but also including earlier letters and also letters written to Broadley relating to his research and publication of the book and a series of letters and press cuttings relating to the 1906 sale of Nelson's draft Trafalgar Memorandum; an original ink and wash drawing of the death of Nelson, attributed on the verso to Isaac Cruickshank; c.80 contemporary caricatures, late 18th-early 19th, most hand-coloured, including six by Gillray, four by Rowlandson, two by H. Humphrey, eight by Woodward, three by I. Cruickshank, and two by G. Cruickshank, predominantly concerned with naval affairs, and more than 460 other prints, including mezzotint portraits of Nelson, Collingwood, Alexander Davison, and others, many other portraits, naval scenes, harbour views (including an aquatint view of St George's, Bermuda, engraved by I.C. Stadler), illustrations of Dorsetshire interest, and others, also two early printed maps, John Speed, Britain as it was … in the tyme of the Englishe-Saxons [The Heptarchy], ?1627, and Christopher Saxton, Dorcestriae, 1579, contemporary colour, with c.140 other items including a copy of Blake, Robert, and Monke, George, A True Relation of the late Great Sea Fight [the Battle of the Gabbard]. Henry Hills, 1653 [Wing B3138], three different chapbooks each entitled A Garland of New Songs, Newcastle: J. Marshall, n.d. with songs on the Battle of the Nile, and other contemporary ephemera, pamphlets, broadsheets, press cuttings, photographs, and other printed matter, half blue morocco gilt, Volume 2 with four loose plates, Volume 3 with one loose leaf, Volume 4 with five leaves loose and 19 items loose at the end, bindings rubbed at joints The more significant letters and documents include: Horatio, Lord Nelson, three autograph letters signed: (1) with his right hand, to his Excellency Francis Drake, minister at Genoa, explaining that he has been unable to land and sending an officer, 2 pages, 4to, HMS Agamemnon, off Genoa, 1 December 1795; (2) with his right hand, to Thomas Pollard, on the movements of the French (“…I am now protecting you from an intended embarkation of French Troops…”), HMS Agamemnon, off Genoa, 1 April 1796; (3) with his left hand (signed “Bronte Nelson of the Nile”), to Edmund Noble, 2 pages, 4to, Palermo, 2 June 1800; also Frances Nelson, autograph letter signed to her husband, a poignant letter written after Nelson had begun his affair with Emma Hamilton and had stopped writing to his wife, hoping for news of him, and with family news (“…Our good father received a letter yesterday from your Brother William tizing [sic] about no dignitaries for the Nelson family…”), 3 pages, 4to, St James’ Street, 10 December 1799, docketed by DavisonAutograph letters by Admirals and other naval figures from the age of Nelson, including: Thomas Masterman Hardy, 9 letters; Viscount Hood, 3 letters, 1785-1807, including one on affairs in Corsica during Paoli’s rebellion describing the Corsicans as a “strange wild race of people”, 4 pages, 4to, HMS Victory, Leghorn Road, 9 September 1794, fold tears; Sir Robert Calder, to William Wood, returning with a convoy from the West Indies, 3 pages, 4to, HMS Theseus in the Downs, 20 July 1795; Edward Berry, autograph letter signed, reassuring his family of his safety and reporting that “Lord Nelson is quite well”, 1 page, 4to, HMS Foudroyant, Port Mahon, 18 October 1799; Richard Keats, to Admiral Berkeley, on naval victories and the Peninsular Campaign, 5 pages, 4to, Cadiz, 25 May 1811; T. Hand, on the mutinies of 1797 (“…a pardon was yesterday read to the crews of the Repulse & Ardent. I hope it will not be too general as nothing but hanging the ringleaders will break the neck of Mutiny…”), 2 pages, folio, Sheerness, 1 June 1797; J. Eilleack, autograph letter signed to his mother, with his eyewitness account of the Battle of the Nile (“…the commander of the French fleet Blew up about 12 o’clock att [sic] night and a shocking sight it was to see the number of souls that was lying upon her wreck just before she blew up…”), 2 pages, folio, HMS Franklin, Lisbon, 29 October 1798; William Donnett, 2 letters; Viscount Keith, to Sir William Hamilton, 1800; James Bremer, to Nelson, offering congratulations, and mentioning the death of Sir William Hamilton, docketed by Nelson, 22 May 1803; Admiral Howe, to Col. Smith, Philadelphia, 10 May 1778, stained; Cuthbert Collingwood; Skeffington Lutwidge; Lord Northesk; Alexander Cochrane; Admiral Caracciola, 1791; the Duke of GravinaCollection of 15 signatures of Nelson’s “Band of Brothers” from the Battle of the Nile: Sir Davidge Gould, Alexander Ball, Benjamin Hallowell, Henry d'Esterre Darby, Thomas Thompson, John Peyton, Samuel Hood, Thomas Foley, James de Saumarez, Thomas Louis, Thomas Troubridge, Ralph Miller, George Westcott (written to his sister after the Glorious First of June, “…I neither asked for Life or any thing, but fortitude to do my duty to King & Country in the high & awful station I felt myself in…”) (the two missing captains, Hardy and Berry, are both found elsewhere in the volumes), as well as the signatures of Honeré Ganteaume, rear-admiral of L’Orient, and Edward Kirby, Master of the BellerophonCollection of 12 signatures of Captains at the Battle of Copenhagen: William Bolton, William Bligh (document signed, 1798), James Brisbane, John Ferris Devonshire, John Lawford, Graham Eden Hamond, Edward Riou, James Robert Mosse, George Murray, Thomas Graves, Samuel Sutton, Thomas Foley (lacking 8 captains)Collection of 41 signatures of Captains and others at the Battle of Trafalgar, including: Henry Bayntun, Henry Blackwood, Edward Codrington, Thomas Capel, Sir Cuthbert Collingwood, John Cooke, John Conn, Thomas Dundas, Philip Durham, George Duff, Thomas Fremantle, Richard Grindall, Eliab Harvey, William Hargood, George Hope, Francis Laforey, Charles Mansfield, Robert Moorsom, James Morris, the Earl of Northesk, Israel Pellew, John Pilford, William Prowse, Robert Redmill, Edward Rotherham, William Rutherford, John Stockham, Charles Tyler, Robert Benjamin Young, Sir William Beatty (surgeon on the Victory), Admiral Hotham, J.R. Lapenotière (commander of the Pickle schooner, carried despatches to England), James Pascoe (Signal Lieutenant on the Victory), John Pollard (Midshipman on the Victory who shot the man who shot Nelson), and Rev. Scott (Chaplain on the Victory), with two further signatures, Charles Bullen and Henry Digby, inserted later in Volume 4, and two others, T.M. Hardy and Edward Berry, found elsewhere, the collection of Captains lacks only Richard King; also the signatures of Sir Richard Strachan and seven others who took part in the Battle of Cape OrtegalAutograph letters by other contemporaries of Nelson: George IV, as Prince Regent, to Erskine, 25 April 1815; William IV, two items as Duke of Clarence, including an important document signed giving directions to the Fleet on the occasion of the visit to Britain of Allied Sovereigns, 9 pages, folio, 27 May 1814; Jonathan de Burgh, autograph letter signed, to Sir William Hamilton, on military and political news in Italy, especially Rome, 3 pages, folio, Porta Fenaja, 17 February 1797; William Hamilton, document signed, 1799; Charles Frederick, King of Naples; Caroline, Queen of Naples; Thomas Graham, Lord Lydenoch, on naval affairs, 1800; L.A.F. de Bourrienne, document signedOther historic documents and letters, including by: Robert Blake, document signed, appointing Captain Richard Lyons as commander of the Taunton, also signed by Edward Hopkins and John Clerke, 1 page, 2 January 1655; Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham, document signed, summary naval expenses, June 1618; Benjamin Hoadly, Bishop of Winchester, 3 pages, 18 May 1739; John Flamsteed, document signed; letters by ancestors of T.M. Hardy including Thomas Hardy (1 page, 6 January 1707) and Charles Hardy (1 page, 5 July 1779); five court rolls for the Manor of Portesham, historic home of the Hardy family, five vellum membranes, 1565-70

the three dorset captains at trafalgar. thomas masterman hardy, charles bullen, henry digby. john murray, 1906

English Literature, History, Children's Books and Illustrations 

Bundle I: Three autograph letters signed by the Duke of Wellington, as executor to George IV, to Maria Fitzherbert, ON THE FATE OF LETTERS AND PAPERS EXCHANGED BETWEEN HER AND THE LATE KING NOW IN THE HANDS OF FITZHERBERT AND THE LATE KING’S ESTATE (“...daily experience shews us that no papers are safe; or likely to be exempt from Publication. They fall into the hands of Persons who have not the same feelings of delicacy about them as the original correspondents...”), 11 pages, 4to, 29 March to 4 May 1832; two documents in Wellington's hand originally enclosed with these letters, the first an extract from George IV's will, 3 pages, the second a memorandum suggesting that Mrs Fitzherbert and the King's executors “will deliver up to the other all papers and documents in the possession of either signed or written by Mrs Fitzherbert or ... by the late King ... excepting such as relate to a certain Mortgage or Security in the Hands of Mrs Fitzherbert on the Palace at Brighton. A list of the Papers retained ... will be given to the Executors.... In case any Papers ...shall ever appear, it is understood and agreed that both parties will consider and treat such papers as forgeries. The two Parties further agree that all the Papers ... shall be destroyed as soon as possible after delivery”, 3 pages, folio, with annotations in pencil; retained copies of two letters by Mrs Fitzherbert to Wellington, regretting the executors’ wish to burn the papers in their possession (“...they are generally of so Insignificant a nature with the exception of some of which I possess Copies that they cannot possibly be of any use or advantage to any one...”) and refusing to hand over the papers in her possession, 5 pages, 4to, Brighton, no date and 3 May 1832; memorandum outlining an alternative proposal for the disposal of the papers, stating that each side will destroy the papers in their own possession, and that those papers that Mrs Fitzherbert wishes to retain will be sealed in a chest “in the Bank of Messrs Coutts at the disposition of the Earl of Albemarle and of Lord Stourton. The seals not to be broken without the knowledge of the Duke of Wellington and Sir William Knighton”, with a list of the papers to be retained (including the marriage certificate, related letters and a will of the late King), with a subscription by Lord Stourton affirming his approval of the proposals, 3 pages, folio; three autograph letters signed by the Duke of Wellington, to the Earl of Albemarle, on the proposed deposit of these selected papers in Coutts Bank, 6 pages, 8vo, 3 April to 8 September 1833; [also with:] copy letters by George IV as Prince of Wales to Lord Euston and related documents concerning Minney Seymour, 7 pages, undated (paper watermarked 1802); “State of Miss [Minney] Seymours Fortune”, 2 pages, folio, undated (watermarked 1820); will of Maria Fitzherbert, signed by her, with seal and witness signatures, 3 pages, 22 December 1830; two later copies of the 1836 will of Maria Fitzherbert with codicils, paper watermarked 1837 and 1846

Bundle I: Three autograph letters signed by the Duke of Wellington, as executor to George IV, to Maria Fitzherbert, ON THE FATE OF LETTERS AND PAPERS EXCHANGED BETWEEN HER AND THE LATE KING NOW IN THE HANDS OF FITZHERBERT AND THE LATE KING’S ESTATE (“...daily experience shews us that no papers are safe; or likely to be exempt from Publication. They fall into the hands of Persons who have not the same feelings of delicacy about them as the original correspondents...”), 11 pages, 4to, 29 March to 4 May 1832; two documents in Wellington's hand originally enclosed with these letters, the first an extract from George IV's will, 3 pages, the second a memorandum suggesting that Mrs Fitzherbert and the King's executors “will deliver up to the other all papers and documents in the possession of either signed or written by Mrs Fitzherbert or ... by the late King ... excepting such as relate to a certain Mortgage or Security in the Hands of Mrs Fitzherbert on the Palace at Brighton. A list of the Papers retained ... will be given to the Executors.... In case any Papers ...shall ever appear, it is understood and agreed that both parties will consider and treat such papers as forgeries. The two Parties further agree that all the Papers ... shall be destroyed as soon as possible after delivery”, 3 pages, folio, with annotations in pencil; retained copies of two letters by Mrs Fitzherbert to Wellington, regretting the executors’ wish to burn the papers in their possession (“...they are generally of so Insignificant a nature with the exception of some of which I possess Copies that they cannot possibly be of any use or advantage to any one...”) and refusing to hand over the papers in her possession, 5 pages, 4to, Brighton, no date and 3 May 1832; memorandum outlining an alternative proposal for the disposal of the papers, stating that each side will destroy the papers in their own possession, and that those papers that Mrs Fitzherbert wishes to retain will be sealed in a chest “in the Bank of Messrs Coutts at the disposition of the Earl of Albemarle and of Lord Stourton. The seals not to be broken without the knowledge of the Duke of Wellington and Sir William Knighton”, with a list of the papers to be retained (including the marriage certificate, related letters and a will of the late King), with a subscription by Lord Stourton affirming his approval of the proposals, 3 pages, folio; three autograph letters signed by the Duke of Wellington, to the Earl of Albemarle, on the proposed deposit of these selected papers in Coutts Bank, 6 pages, 8vo, 3 April to 8 September 1833; [also with:] copy letters by George IV as Prince of Wales to Lord Euston and related documents concerning Minney Seymour, 7 pages, undated (paper watermarked 1802); “State of Miss [Minney] Seymours Fortune”, 2 pages, folio, undated (watermarked 1820); will of Maria Fitzherbert, signed by her, with seal and witness signatures, 3 pages, 22 December 1830; two later copies of the 1836 will of Maria Fitzherbert with codicils, paper watermarked 1837 and 1846 Bundle II: CORRESPONDENCE AND PAPERS OF GEORGE IV AS PRINCE OF WALES: three copy letters by the Prince to PITT THE YOUNGER concerning a meeting on the Prince’s finances (“...When I recollect the Conversation that passed between you & me yesterday I can not but be very much surprized at some Expressions that I understand have dropt from several of your Friends, not that I harbour the smallest doubt of your honour, but I think that some sort of an explanation upon that score is absolutely necessary...”), 4-10 May 1787, together with a related letter by Pitt to Lord Southampton, 29 April 1787; 5 letters to George, as Prince, including by Lord Cornwallis (on Indian affairs), Lord Leinster (on the Regency crisis), and Charles Nassau Thomas, on the Prince’s refusal to provide any supplies to Princess Caroline at Carlton House (“...it would of course be impossible for the Princess to bring a scuttle of coals in the Coach...”) (4 pages, 1788-1808); five letters to Captain Jack Payne, Comptroller of the Prince’s household, including by Lord Malmesbury, Fredrick, Duke of York, and Lord Rawdon, 1789-98; two drafts of a MEMORANDUM ATTACKING THE RESTRICTIONS OF SOVEREIGN POWER IN THE PROPOSED TERMS OF THE REGENCY during the crisis occasioned by the illness of George III, 12 pages, [1789]; memorandum on “the coldness of the Queens answer to the animated representation of the Prince”, advising the Prince on how to improve relations with his mother, 4 pages, together with a draft letter from the Prince to the Queen entitled “Sketch”, 16 pages, [1789]; proposal for a grouping of independent MPs, 4 pages; memorandum on necessary expenses for the Prince of Wales, June 1789; memorandum by the Duke of Kent on the excessive expenditure of the Prince of Wales, 1801; copy of the will of the Duke of Cumberland, 1777; [with:] DETAILED NOTES ON TWO CONVERSATIONS WITH MRS FITZHERBERT ON HER RELATIONSHIP WITH THE LATE KING, their marriage, his character, her belief that Caroline of Brunswick had been secretly married in her youth, gossip from the court of George III, and related subjects, 15 pages, 4 February 1832 and 4 April 1832; [also with:] eight documents relating to George Lionel Dawson-Damer and his military service especially at the Battle of Waterloo, including a letter signed by Wellington, mostly 1815-16 Bundle III: notes on a conversation with Maria Fitzherbert about HER FIRST MEETING WITH THE PRINCE, recalling that he was first pointed out to her by her husband when they were driving in a carriage, and that she met him a few days later at Corney House, Chiswick (“...turning down the Lane she found that the Prince had followed her, & had stopped to look at her...”), 2 pages, 4to, 14 November 1836; series of 17 letters by Maria Fitzherbert to George Dawson-Damer and his wife Minney (née Seymour) Fitzherbert’s adoptive daughter, 1820s-30s; 13 Letters to Maria Fitzherbert, including by Edward, Duke of Kent, 1817, Heinrich XIII Prince Reuss of Greiz, and other European nobility and royalty, also a series of four anonymous love letters signed “K”, from the Hague Occasional nicks and dust staining, a small number of items torn at folds

an important cache of papers relating to mrs fitzherbert and george iv, in three bundles, comprising:

Music

comprising: 12 playbills, including one for a perfomance on 21 May 1821 at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, of Mozart's Don Giovanni (in English, adapted by Henry Bishop); 8 autograph letters signed by Stephens, one signed as Countess of Essex, to the composer Henry Bishop, R.W. Elliston, and others, most being acceptances or refusals ("...In the first place I dislike the Music...") of invitations to perform in Paris, London and elsewhere, together with a contract signed by Stephens and Elliston for her to appear for fifty nights at Drury Lane, beginning 1 December 1823, altogether 18 pages, various sizes, various locations, most undated but chiefly 1820s, nicks and tears, some playbills laid down

comprising: 12 playbills, including one for a perfomance on 21 May 1821 at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, of Mozart's Don Giovanni (in English, adapted by Henry Bishop); 8 autograph letters signed by Stephens, one signed as Countess of Essex, to the composer Henry Bishop, R.W. Elliston, and others, most being acceptances or refusals ("...In the first place I dislike the Music...") of invitations to perform in Paris, London and elsewhere, together with a contract signed by Stephens and Elliston for her to appear for fifty nights at Drury Lane, beginning 1 December 1823, altogether 18 pages, various sizes, various locations, most undated but chiefly 1820s, nicks and tears, some playbills laid down with: 14 autograph letters signed by Edward Stephens, Catherine's brother and agent, mostly to Elliston, proposing forthcoming productions ("...I proposed to him to get up 'The Maid of the Mill' very strongly..."), discussing Catherine's roles, excusing her from rehearsals and performances, and discussing contractual obligations at the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane and elsewhere, together with two signed receipts, 30 pages, various sizes, London and elsewhere, most undated but chiefly 1820s, seal tears, dust staining; 13 autograph letters signed by George Capel-Coningsby, 5th Earl of Essex, to Elliston, congratulating him on his appointment as manager at Drury Lane and complaining about the previous administration, in one letter mentioning byron ("...I understand from Lord Byron that it is your wish to see Mr Douglas Kinnaird and myself..."), referring several times to a key providing access to private areas at Drury Lane ("...my residence here will seldom allow me the pleasure of using it; certainly never abusing it..."), discussing theatrical and musical performances, antiquarian books, and other subjects, 20 pages, 8vo, Cassiobury and elsewhere, 16 June 1815 to 13 May 1823, nicks and tears, dust stains; and numerous press cuttings relating to Stephens's theatrical career, 1810s-30s, mostly mounted, some items and related material loose

collection of letters and playbills relating to the singer catherine ('kitty') stephens and the actor manager r.w. elliston at the theatre royal, drury lane

Park, Mungo. highly important series of autograph letters signed, to his wife alice, with other family papers

Park, Mungo. highly important series of autograph letters signed, to his wife alice, with other family papers comprising: i) nineteen autograph letters signed by mungo park, nearly all to his wife Alice or Allison ("My beloved Wife"' "My Dearest Allie"' etc.) at Foulshiels, Selkirk, or Peebles, one to his father-in-law Thomas Anderson 58 pages, 4to, address panels, fragments of red wax seals, postal marks, London and elsewhere in Britain and Africa, 4 January 1801 to 19 November 1805, later pencil markings and deletions [by Park's 1815 editor], seal tears, considerable occasional wear, tear and dust-staining, some paper losses including bottom half of one page, seven of the signatures excised The first fourteen of these letters cover the four sparsely-documented years of 1801 to the beginning of 1805 when Park, already famous after the publication in 1799 of his account of his gruelling and hazardous 1795-97 expedition to the River Niger in West Africa, was largely kicking his heels waiting for the chance to undertake a second expedition up the Niger. He then had some temporary employment in a medical practice in Peebles, although, as the present letters show, he was often engaged in other business in London. Writing to his beloved wife Alice (nee Anderson), whom he had married on 2 August 1799, Park describes his journeying down from Scotland to London, family members and friends encountered (including an introduction to "[John] Home author of Douglas": "...he told me that if I could not find a situation to my mind he would procure me one of Best farms under his grace [the Duke of Buccleuch]..."), and other domestic news. He expresses delight on hearing her "sentiments about going abroad" to New South Wales, although he has not yet "accepted of any situation"' and speculates about the kind of life they may have there if he becomes surgeon to a regiment ("...I am constantly upon the look out, all day going from place to place and at night taking a lesson by the fire side..."), expresses dejection at the dashing of their hopes of this situation, discusses financial arrangements, and constantly expresses affection for her and their family, from whom, on 27 March 1801, he has been absent for three months ("...alas I have received nothing but one disappointment after another..."). In December 1803 he writes after another period of absence, still waiting for news of "the expedition" ("...I am to see Sir Joseph [Banks] tomorrow..."), and expressing how much he misses her and "all the children"' also declaring: "I can easily suppose that there will be for a time a want of surgeons about Peebles-it serves them right." ...Dearest of women cherish in your Mind the remembrance of one that loves you dearer than life, it will make my absence seem short, it will fix your affections on our Dear Children, and will add double Charms to that happy moment when by the blessing of god I again clasp you in my arms... As he waits for the promised expedition to materialise, he asks for Betty "to give the Sword & Pistol a rub as they will probably be called for soon"; announces on 9 January 1804 that "The expedition will sail on the 25th . of this month" unless deferred; consoles her repeatedly on her sorrow for his absence ("...I anticipate the distant day of my return when I shall again clasp my allie to my heart never again to part..."); gives her an outline of the expected expedition ("...I assure you my love that I have not the smallest doubt of accomplishing the whole in one year from the time we leave England...Government have no wish that I should run the smallest risk, the great object of the Expedition being to keep up a friendly intercourse with the Kings of the Country..."); refers to Lord Camden and others involved in the expedition, and the slow, drawn-out preparations for it (including buying rings and "five hundred Pounds worth of Beads"); mentions his probably seeing Mr [William] Pitt about it; expresses confidence in Sir Joseph Banks (who "thinks that nothing can be more important than the object of our Journey and I believe he has thought of nothing else ever since I told him"); sends her money to ensure her comfort for "one year"; and consoles her with the thought that on their return they will have made "something handsome in the money way and we will have gained a reputation that will ensure us Success in whatever line". He thanks her for the receipt of a lock of her hair ("...The hand of providence will surely bring us together when happier hours & Days will pass than any we have yet enjoyed..."); assures her "that nothing on Earth could induce me to proceed if I found it would be attended with Danger"("...the unhealthiness of the Climate is the only thing we have to fear..."); and, on 28 January 1805, announces that they are sailing "tomorrow morning"' promising that he will take every opportunity of writing to her. The next three letters, from 12 March to 29 May 1805, are written during the expedition, from on board ship off the Island of St Jago (giving an account of their sea-voyage through the Bay of Biscay), Kayee, River Gambia ("...We set off for the Interior Tomorrow Morning...every thing looks favourable at present...we have been Successful thus far, beyond my highest expectations..."), and Badoo near Tambacunda ("...I am happy to inform you that we are now half through our Journey without the smallest accident or unpleasant Circumstance...") ...The Natives instead of being frightened at us, look on us as their best friends and the Kings have not only granted us protection but sent people to go before us. The Soldiers are in the highest Spirits...I Expect to have an opportunity of writing you from Konkodoo or Bammakoo by some of the slave traders, but...you need not be Surprized if you should not hear from me for some months... ...we set forwards this evening for Tambacunda and in two days more we Reach Baniferile near the Falime Rivers. In the next letter, six months later, the tone changes drastically. Writing to his father-in-law, Thomas Anderson, on 16 November, Park breaks to him "the most sorrowful Tidings that ever reached your Ears"' giving a detailed account of the death of his son, Park's brother-in-law, Alexander Anderson ...He was affected with the fever, but very gently, on the 30th of June at the town of Kandy to the East of the black river...when we reached Dababoo, the frontier town of Bambara he was unable to manage his horse...in this Conveyance he was Carried 50 miles with great ease and Comfort...on our arrivale [sic] at Marrabas he walked from the Canoe to the town...but alas alas! on the night of Oct 24th he was affected with a bilious Diarrhoea...he considered the hour of his departure as at hand...In this manner Death gradually approached and on the morning of the 28th ...he gave a groan...and instantly expired... Three days later, on 19 November 1805, from Sansanding (docketed as received "at Mr Windhams office 4th October" [1806]), park writes his very last, moving letter, to his wife, breaking to her also news of the death of her brother My Beloved Wife It grieves me to the heart to write any thing that will bring a tear from your lovely Eyes or a Sigh from your Bosom...I pray that the almighty may give you Sufficient strength and support you under the most severe dispensation of his providence that has yet occurred to you in the course of your life...Your Brother Alexr my Dear friend is no more... He assures her, nevertheless, that he himself will return safely ...you may be led to Consider my situation as a great deal worse than it realy [sic] is. It is true my Dear friends Mr . anderson and G. Scott have both bid adiew to the things of this World and the greater part of the Soldiers have died on the march during the Rainy season...[but] there is no danger of sickness and I have still a sufficient force to protect me from any insult in Sailing down the river to the Sea...we Expect to be in England on the first of May...if this letter should reach you before my return you may be sure that I will make no delay...I do not expect to have another opportunity of writting [sic] till my return... this is mungo park's last surviving letter. It is not known for certain what happened to him and his already hugely depleted party, but from reports which circulated later in 1806 it seems that within weeks of this final letter Park had sailed up the Niger past Timbuctoo as far as Boussa where, for some reason, natives blocked their passage. In the ensuing fight the entire expedition party, but for one slave, was killed. ii) two autograph letters signed by alice park: the first (signed "Allie Anderson") to her future husband mungo, written seven months before their wedding, expressing great happiness and affection for Park, looking forward eagerly to their married life together ("...I do think that we may be as happy as they generaly [sic] are whom mutual affection unite in that bond of union where both are of one soul and one mind..."), and thanking him for the "Picture" of him which is "an admirable and Striking likeness" 2 pages, 4to, integral address leaf, postal marks, Selkirk, 2 January 1799, seal tear, slight soiling the second (signed "Alice Park") written over forty years later and shortly before her death, to her daughter, Elizabeth Meredith, about money and health matters; the letter preserved by her daughter enclosing what would seem to be a lock of alice park's hair 3 pages, 4to, address panel, impression of seal in black wax, "Tewsday Evening"' postmarked 15 January 1840, seal tear, wear at folds, slightly soiled iii) autograph letter to mungo park signed by John Sullivan (Under Secretary of State for War), explaining that the change of Ministry will probably not affect their "African plans" and that the new Under Secretary, [Edward] Cooke, is "already apprised of the outline and of the allowances that have been settled" for Park 2 pages, 4to, integral address leaf, impression of seal in black wax, postal marks, Chesterfield Street, 18 May 1804, seal tear, light soiling iv) autograph letter to alice park signed by Jeremy Robinson, sending on to her a letter by her husband which was aquired by Robinson "after the wreck of the vessel by which it was originally intended to have been conveyed" ...Mr Park had commenced his travels previous to my leaving Africa which was considerable [sic] later than the date of this letter...Although I have not the honor of a personal acquaintance with Mr Park yet no person participates in his wellfare more sincerely than I do... 1 page, 4to, integral address leaf, traces of red wax seal, London, 23 February 1806, seal tear, some wear, splitting, fraying, spotting and soiling The letter Robinson enclosed (preserved "in as decent a state as circumstances would permit") is presumably one of those by Mungo Park noted above. v) autograph letter signed by mungo park's son, thomas park, to his mother, giving news of his life on board ship and promising to write from Madeira 2 pages, 4to, integral address leaf, postal marks, H.M.S. Sybella, Plymouth Sound, 26 April 1827, seal tear together with an autograph letter signed by Bernard Fry giving an account of Thomas Park's death written to Park's uncle Thomas Anderson, 4 pages, 4to, 28 January 1828, seal tears, spotting; a contemporary manuscript copy of a poem by "A.H."' "Lines on the Death of Mr Thomas Park son of the celebrated Mungo Park"' 2 pages, 4to, light staining; and a contemporary presscutting with another poem on the death of Thomas Park ("Who died at Accra, in consequence of poison being administered to him by the English priests, just as he was on the point of proceeding to explore the interior of Africa"). In attempting to follow in the steps of his father and to find out more about what had happened to him twenty-two years earlier, Mungo Park's second son, Thomas, a midshipman on H.M.S. Sybella, met a comparable fate. After journeying 140 miles inland towards Boussa, he died of fever on 31 October 1827. vi) other family papers, comprising some thirteen letters on family and business matters written to Mungo Park's daughter, Elizabeth Meredith, by her brother Thomas Anderson and others (1846-54); two letters to Thomas Anderson by Mungo's brother Adam Park about Mr and Mrs Meredith's finances (1826); related letters to Anderson; and contemporary transcripts of three poems, one translated from "an extempore Arab Song" c.60 pages, chiefly 4to and 8vo, occasional light wear After his fellow Scotsman James Bruce (1730-94), Mungo Park (1771-1806) was the second great early British explorer of Africa. His memoir of his first arduous and heroic journey to the River Niger in 1795-97, Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa, is one of the classics of African travel literature. It is supplemented by the publication in 1815 of Park's Journal (conveyed to the Gambia with his other final communications by his guide Isaaco) on his equally heroic second journey to the Niger in 1805, from which Park never returned. the present major collection of personal and family papers of this legendary explorer is largely unpublished. Edited or abbreviated versions of his letters to his wife on 26 April, 29 May, and 19 November 1805 (the final moving letter before his death) have been published in later editions of his Travels (e.g. 1860 edition, pp.340-2, 344-5, 372-3), as also his letter to his father-in-law on 15 November 1805 (from another, incomplete copy dated 10 November, in the 1838 edition, p.88). Both these and the remaining, apparently unpublished, materials throw vivid light on Park's activities, his psychology, his affectionate relationship with his wife, and on the series of events which kept them painfully apart for so much of their relatively brief married life, as well as on other aspects of the preparation and undertaking of his last tragic expedition. this is a unique, illuminating and highly evocative biographical source.

park, mungo. highly important series of autograph letters signed, to his wife alice, with other family papers

Music and Continental Books and Manuscripts

including Fantasias for piano (on themes by Rossini and Weber), and other piano pieces, some marked by and for the engraver, together with full scores and drafts of “airs de ballet”, instrumental pieces and other drafts;  the working manuscripts, notated in brown ink on up to twenty-four staves per page, with revisions, annotations to the engravers, deletions, and additions, some written on slips of paper laid down in the score, some with sealing wax, including

including Fantasias for piano (on themes by Rossini and Weber), and other piano pieces, some marked by and for the engraver, together with full scores and drafts of “airs de ballet”, instrumental pieces and other drafts;  the working manuscripts, notated in brown ink on up to twenty-four staves per page, with revisions, annotations to the engravers, deletions, and additions, some written on slips of paper laid down in the score, some with sealing wax, including 1)       “Seconde fantaisie brillante, pour le Piano-forte composée sur thèmes de Rossini”, op.23, the Stichvorlage, 14 pages, folio, 18-stave paper, stitched, [published by Lemoine in 1830] 2)      “Fantaisie pour le piano”, [on themes by Rossini],  in D major,  the Stichvorlage, with many revisions on slips of paper and autograph notes to the engraver, 16 pages, folio, 16-stave  paper, stitched, 1822 [probably that published by Boieldieu in 1822] 3)      “Choeur des chasseurs du Freyschutz, varié pour le piano”,  the Stichvorlage, 12 pages, folio, 18-stave paper, stitched 4)      Introduction and Moderato assai, in E flat,  9 pages, folio,  18-stave paper, somewhat affected by damp, January 1817 5)      Andante & moderato in D, for piano, 8 pages, folio, 18-stave paper 6)      “Bacchanale pour le piano-forte”, in D major, (title deleted), 5 pages, folio, 18-stave paper 7)       “Air de Ballet”, Entré in D major, for orchestra, the full score notated on 17 staves per page, signed with a paraph, 35 pages, folio, 18-stave paper, the bifolia stitched 8)      “Air de Ballet”, in D major, the short score for piano, 5 pages, folio, 18-stave paper, revised & corrected in orange crayon, slightly affected by damp 9)       “Air pour Mo Paul”, for 2 violins, 'Lent’ and ‘Allegro moderato’,  4 pages, possibly unfinished at end 10)   “Favorite Irisch Air”, 2 pages, oblong 4to, 12-stave paper 11)    “Marcia” in g minor, “Allegro feroce”, signed Herold, 5 pages, oblong 4to, 10-stave paper, Naples: January 1815 12)   “Marche pour orchestra”, 1 page, oblong 4to, 12-stave paper, Vienna, July 1815 13)   “Canon: O giocondo lieto giorno”,  1 page, oblong 4to, 12-stave paper, Vienna, July 1815 Together with about 30 unfinished working drafts and sketch-leaves, some manuscripts with original stitching, two manuscripts rather affected by damp, some dust-marking and foxing, mainly on the unfinished drafts

collection of autograph musical manuscripts signed (“ferdinand herold”, “herold” or with a paraph)

including Fantasias for piano (on themes by Rossini and Weber), and other piano pieces, some marked by and for the engraver, together with full scores and drafts of “airs de ballet”, instrumental pieces and other drafts;  the working manuscripts, notated in brown ink on up to twenty-four staves per page, with revisions, annotations to the engravers, deletions, and additions, some written on slips of paper laid down in the score, some with sealing wax, including 1)       “Seconde fantaisie brillante, pour le Piano-forte composée sur themes de Rossini”, op.23, the Stichvorlage, 14 pages, folio, 18-stave paper, stitched, [published by Lemoine in 1830] 2)      “Fantaisie pour le piano”, [on themes by Rossini],  in D major,  the Stichvorlage, with many revisions on slips of paper and autograph notes to the engraver, 16 pages, folio, 16-stave  paper, stitched, 1822 [probably that published by Boieldieu in 1822] 3)      “Choeur des chasseurs du Freyschutz, varié pour le piano”,  the Stichvorlage, 12 pages, folio, 18-stave paper, stitched 4)      Introduction and Moderato assai, in E flat,  9 pages, folio,  18-stave paper, somewhat affected by damp, January 1817 5)      Andante & moderato in D, for piano, 8 pages, folio, 18-stave paper 6)      “Bacchanale pour le piano-forte”, in D major, (title deleted), 5 pages, folio, 18-stave paper 7)       “Air de Ballet”, Entré in D major, for orchestra, the full score notated on 17 staves per page, signed with a paraph, 35 pages, folio, 18-stave paper, the bifolia stitched 8)      “Air de Ballet”, in D major, the short score for piano, 5 pages, folio, 18-stave paper, revised & corrected in orange crayon, slightly affected by damp 9)       “Air pour Mo Paul”, for 2 violins, 'Lent’ and ‘Allegro moderato’,  4 pages, possibly unfinished at end 10)   “Favorite Irisch Air”, 2 pages, oblong 4to, 12-stave paper 11)    “Marcia” in g minor, “Allegro feroce”, signed Herold, 5 pages, oblong 4to, 10-stave paper, Naples: January 1815 12)   “Marche pour orchestra”, 1 page, oblong 4to, 12-stave paper, Vienna, July 1815 13)   “Canon: O giocondo lieto giorno”,  1 page, oblong 4to, 12-stave paper, Vienna, July 1815 Together with about 30 unfinished working drafts and sketch-leaves, some manuscripts with original stitching, two manuscripts rather affected by damp, some dust-marking and foxing, mainly on the unfinished drafts

English Literature, History, Children's Books & Illustrations

i) Bathurst family correspondence, including a group of 10 letters to Lady Georgiana Bathurst by friends and family members including Lady Georgina Lennox, Lady Sarah Lennox, and Lady Charlotte Greville, all written from Brussels at the time of the Waterloo campaign, describing the the atmosphere in Brussels immediately before Napoleon’s invasion, WITH AN EYEWITNESS ACCOUNT OF THE DUCHESS OF RICHMOND'S BALL ON THE EVE OF THE BATTLE OF QUATRE BRAS (“...We had a great Ball last night & fancy the horror of hearing this news in the middle of it & of seeing all one’s friends fly to the right & to the left...”) and news of the unfolding campaign (“...The Prussians are come up, so if Bony is not soon annihilated I shall be surprised...”), the letters written in the aftermath of Waterloo being dominated by news of wounded and dead officers including Alexander Gordon, Lord Uxbridge, and many others (“...L[ad]y C[aroline] Lamb is arrived to nurse Col. Ponsonby who is doing on very well but she will hurt him I sh[oul]d fear. The surgeon told her the best thing she could do would be to hold her tongue...”, 3 July), the pitiful sight of the huge numbers of wounded (“...I long to nurse even the poor privates...”), and the return of Wellington (“...The Duke arrived Monday & went to Court today ... The King gave him a superb star and jewel of the St Esprit which they say is worth 500,000 Livres...”), 50 pages, 4to and 8vo, Brussels, 9 June to 4 August 1815 (where dated)

i) Bathurst family correspondence, including a group of 10 letters to Lady Georgiana Bathurst by friends and family members including Lady Georgina Lennox, Lady Sarah Lennox, and Lady Charlotte Greville, all written from Brussels at the time of the Waterloo campaign, describing the the atmosphere in Brussels immediately before Napoleon’s invasion, WITH AN EYEWITNESS ACCOUNT OF THE DUCHESS OF RICHMOND'S BALL ON THE EVE OF THE BATTLE OF QUATRE BRAS (“...We had a great Ball last night & fancy the horror of hearing this news in the middle of it & of seeing all one’s friends fly to the right & to the left...”) and news of the unfolding campaign (“...The Prussians are come up, so if Bony is not soon annihilated I shall be surprised...”), the letters written in the aftermath of Waterloo being dominated by news of wounded and dead officers including Alexander Gordon, Lord Uxbridge, and many others (“...L[ad]y C[aroline] Lamb is arrived to nurse Col. Ponsonby who is doing on very well but she will hurt him I sh[oul]d fear. The surgeon told her the best thing she could do would be to hold her tongue...”, 3 July), the pitiful sight of the huge numbers of wounded (“...I long to nurse even the poor privates...”), and the return of Wellington (“...The Duke arrived Monday & went to Court today ... The King gave him a superb star and jewel of the St Esprit which they say is worth 500,000 Livres...”), 50 pages, 4to and 8vo, Brussels, 9 June to 4 August 1815 (where dated) [bound together with:] other letters to family members including: two autograph letters by Georgiana Bathhurst to her mother, Lady Bathurst, with news of English society in France after Waterloo, 15 pages, 4to, [October 1815]; George (“Beau”) Brummell, autograph letter signed, to Lady Bathurst, complaining that “the odious woman” has not yet sent the promised additional ticket to her masked ball and assuring her that if it does not arrive “I will burn down the House before the hour of Masks”, 1 page, 4to, n.d.; an anonymous but apparently eyewitness account of the meeting between Sir Henry Bunbury, Lord Keith, and Napoleon, at Torbay, AT WHICH NAPOLEON WAS INFORMED THAT HE WOULD BE EXILED TO ST HELENA, with corrections, 2 pages, folio, [c. 31 July 1815], and a brief note conveying news of Napoleon’s surrender; 24 later letters to Lady Georgina Bathurst including three by Lady Augusta de Ameland (companion of the Duke of Sussex) attempting to have her daughter accepted at the prestigious Almack’s Club, letters to her as a train-bearer at the coronation of Queen Adelaide and her eight-page autograph account of the ceremony, and letters as Lady of the Bedchamber to HRH the Duchess of Gloucester discussing such subjects as the death of Wellington and the impact on Queen Victoria of the death of Prince Albert; altogether 53 numbered items, c.167 pages, 4to and 8vo, bound in a modern half russet morocco volume, 4toii) Lady Emily Charlotte Bathurst, autograph manuscript diary (“..News from Lord Wellington came of the Battle of Orthez last night ... Poor March is wounded...”, 20 March 1814), 29 pages, 8vo, 1 January to 30 April 1814iii) Annuaire présenté au gouvernement ... pour l’an 1809. Paris, 1808, Imperial binding in green morocco gilt with monogram (L), inscribed by Lord March and also by his sister Emily Bathurst (“given to me by March Jany 1816. Taken from the Library at St Cloud. 1815”)iv) Henry F. Ponsonby (1825-1895), notes on the Battle of Waterloo, c.60 pages, oblong 8vo, mid-19th century

letters to members of the bathurst family, most notably during the waterloo campaign, with three other volumes, the collection comprising:

The Passion of American Collectors: Property of Barbara and Ira Lipman | Highly Important Printed and Manuscript Americana 

DuPont de Nemours, Pierre Samuel "[Mémoire] aux républiques équinoxiales, et a celles qui leur seront naturellement conféderées" Manuscript treatise on government, in French, 153 pages (256 x 200 mm) with original manuscript pagination (1–138) of main text in manuscript, which is preceded by a dedicatory epistle to Manuel Palacios-Fajardo and followed by an index, written in several clerical hands, colophon dated with autograph signature, "Paris 13 Mars 1815. DuPont (de Nemours)," numerous emendations and corrections; lightly browned, bit of foxing. Original plain brown wrappers bound into later nineteenth-century half green morocco over marbled boards, gilt morocco label on front board, binder's ticket of "J.T. Heald, 127 Market Street, Wilmington, Delaware"; extremities rubbed. Half blue morocco slipcase gilt, chemise. An important manuscript treatise on constitutional theory, and a proposed system of government for the new republics emerging from the independence movements of South America, by French-American writer, economist, publisher, government official, and aristocrat Pierre Samuel DuPont de Nemours. DuPont wrote numerous influential treatises on political and economic theory. This, his last major work, was never published and evidently only survives in the present manuscript. This is almost certainly the manuscript DuPont loaned to Thomas Jefferson for his comments and advice in the spring of 1816. This particular manuscript represents a second (or possibly third) authorial recension of the text of Républiques équinoxiales. This is evidenced not only by the frequent revisions and corrections throughout, but also by a statement DuPont makes in the manuscript’s prefatory letter to Don Manuel Palacios, wherein he remarks on the superiority of this present state of the text: "J’ignore si la premiere copie du Memoire ici joint a pu vous parvenir, et je vous envoie une seconde en peu corrigee." DuPont first came to prominence with his major economic treatise, Physiocratie, ou, Constitution naturelle du gouvernement le plus avantageux au genre humain, written in 1768, in which he coined the term "physiocracy." He went on to become an economic advisor to Jacques Necker and King Louis XVI, serving as Inspector General of Commerce. Although he initially supported the French Revolution with other moderates like Lafayette, he soon became its victim, and was awaiting execution in 1794 when the Terror ended with the downfall of Robespierre. Still at odds with the French government, he emigrated to the United States in 1799 with his son, Eleuthere Irenee DuPont, who there founded E.I. DuPont de Nemours & Co., creating one of the great family dynasties in America. Pierre Samuel DuPont continued to write important works of political theory, and became a friend and correspondent of many leading figures in the United States, most notably Thomas Jefferson, whom he had first encountered in Paris in the 1780s. Between 1800 and 1817 they exchanged dozens of letters on various topics, including this manuscript. In 1800, at Jefferson’s request, he drew up plans for a national educational system. In 1802 he returned to France, where he was an important promoter of the Louisiana Purchase. He remained in France and took an active part in the restoration of the monarchy in 1814. In the spring of 1815 he fled Paris during Napoleon’s Hundred Days and returned to the United States, where he remained until his death in 1817. DuPont’s last major work, the Républiques équinoxiales was never published, and until the emergence of this manuscript from the estate of a DuPont descendant, was only known through references in his correspondence, particularly in an exchange of letters he had with Thomas Jefferson in 1815 and 1816. In December 1815, DuPont visited Monticello and left a manuscript of the Républiques équinoxiales with Jefferson for his perusal. DuPont had asked Jefferson on several earlier occasions to proofread and critique his latest writings, but only shortly after its dispatch, he asked Jefferson to return the manuscript, so that it could be given to Don Pedro Gual, a representative of New Granada. By early spring 1816, DuPont had returned the manuscript to Jefferson. Jefferson evidently sent the manuscript back to DuPont with a lengthy letter of 24 April 1816 that praised the work while maintaining that the author's proposed "Constitution for your Equinoctial republics" would not work in the United States. The overall scope and narrative content of this newly rediscovered manuscript demonstrate that it must be the formerly “lost” treatise. It is clear that the chapter headings in the present copy (as outlined below) conform to DuPont’s more general interests and views on agriculture, economics, constitutional theory, and anthropology; these were themes which he discussed with an unwavering consistency throughout his other works. The body of the manuscript consists of sixteen chapters (several having complex groupings of subsections). The chapter headings are as follows: 1) "Objet et motifs de cet ouvrage"; 2) "Apperçu général"; 3) "Principes de la société"; 4) "Application de ces principes aux nouvelles républiques américaines"; 5) "Des mâitres et des esclaves"; 6) "Des engagés pour dettes"; 7) "Avantages de la liberation des esclaves"; 8) "Dignité et droits des propriétaires des terres et de mines"; 9) "Obligations attachées a la haute dignité des propriétaires des terres"; 10) "Principes des finances"; 11) "Des rapports entre les différentes classes d’hommes et de citoyens—articles de la constitution"; 12) "Hierarchie des administrations publiques inférieures"; 13) "De la représentation nationale"; 14) "De quelques institutions nécessaires"; 15) "De la grande confédération américaine"; 16) "Résumé de ce travail." A monumental political work by the progenitor of the DuPont family, a work thought lost for almost 200 years. PROVENANCE Fanny E. duPont (signature on front flyleaf) — Alexis & Elizabeth duPont (armorial bookplate) — A. G. Dupont (signature on front blank) — presumably continued descent in the family until sold at Freeman's, 22 October 2015, lot 210 REFERENCE Celebration of My Country 160; cf. Gilbert Chinard, The Correspondence of Jefferson and DuPont de Nemours (Paris, 1931) and The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Retirement Series, vols. 8–10, passim

View 1 of Lot 145: DuPont de Nemours, Pierre Samuel | A "lost" manuscript on constitutional theory, sent to Thomas Jefferson for review

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