FROM THE COLLECTION OF THE LIBRARY OF THE JEWISH THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
At the end of the eighteenth century it became commonly recognized that this black letter large format Bible in double columns of forty-two lines was the true “Gutenberg Bible”, the Bible that Ulrich Zel, in 1499, said had been printed by Johann Gutenberg. Connoisseur collectors, especially in Great Britain and France, were eager to acquire copies, and a strong market developed. In 1803 the Court Library in Munich, following the massive state-ordered dissolutions of Bavarian convents, came into possession of three copies of the Gutenberg: one from the Benedictine convent of Andechs, one from the Augustinian canonry of Rottenbuch, and one from the “Bibliotheca Palatina” of Mannheim on the Rhine, the property of the late Carl Theodor von Sulzbach, 1724-1799, Elector Palatine and, since 1777, Electoral Duke of Bavaria. After Carl Theodor’s death the rarities of his Mannheim library were brought to Munich and incorporated into the Bavarian library.
The monastic dissolutions created large numbers of duplicate copies in the Munich Court Library, and various rounds of duplicate disposal were undertaken. The Mannheim copy of the Gutenberg Bible was considered disposable in view of its imperfections: some fifty text leaves were lacking. In Munich in August 1832 the young traveller and manuscript hunter Robert Curzon, later famous as the author of Visits to Monasteries of the Levant (1849), purchased the Mannheim Gutenberg Bible and several other fine incunables on a visit to the (now) Royal Library. Famous for his collecting of early manuscripts in many languages and scripts, Curzon rarely mentioned his Gutenberg Bible, and few knew of his ownership. After his death his noble title and properties went first to his son Robert (d. 1914), then to his daughter Darea (d.1917), neither of whom had heirs. The Zouche barony and properties passed to Curzon’s great niece Mary Cecil (Curzon) Frankland, who put up the Bible and other rare books at Sotheby’s in November 1920. The Bible was bought by the New York dealer Frank Sabin, from whom it went to another New York dealer, Gabriel Wells. In view of the many already missing leaves (not specified in detail by Sotheby’s), in 1921 Wells decided to sell it leaf by leaf, at $150 a leaf, each accompanied by an enthusiastic essay he commissioned from the Philadelphia collector A. Edward Newton: A Noble Fragment, handsomely designed by Bruce Rogers. The venture was successful and earned him publicity, the New York Times commenting that Wells was “spreading the Gospel among the rich.”
In cases where there were no lacunae, Wells sold complete books. Besides the Book of Esther, preserved whole books include Genesis (University of Illinois), Daniel (Harvard), Gospel of Matthew (Colgate), Apocalypse (Columbia University); and a few others. The Book of Esther is of special interest for the light it throws on Jerome’s editorial method as he dealt with an unusually complicated textual situation.
The Book of Esther in Hebrew is the source text for the festival of Purim, held on 14-15 Adar, celebrating Esther’s heroism in saving the Jews of Persia from annihilation in the reign of Ahasuerus, who was manipulated by an evil councillor, Haman. The principle obligation of Purim is to read the Book of Esther, and there are many individual scrolls of Esther made for this purpose. No action of God is included in the story. In this Hebrew form the Book of Esther has strong resemblances to Greek romances, and its characterizations of Persian society and court have parallels in numerous Greek writings. However, in the Greek Septuagint version of ca. second century B.C.E., there are extensive interpolations to the Hebrew core, increasing the length of the book by more than a third. The fundamental purpose of the interpolations was to add a layer of piety, and of divine actions, to the events of the story: in short, to make it a more obviously religious, and canon-worthy book. This Septuagint version is that known to Josephus, who used it in his story of Esther in Book XI of his Jewish Antiquities.
When Jerome made his translation in the late fourth or early fifth century C.E., he was aware of the considerable differences in both length and tone between the Hebrew and Greek versions. He first translated the “pure” text according to his Hebrew sources, ending at what we now number as the third verse of chapter 10. Following this, he translated in succession all the Greek (Septuagint) interpolations, which in his Vulgate become 10:4-16:24. To each interpolation he prefixed an explanatory note of his source, and of the original position of the verses. There are seven notes in all, including one for a few verses which Jerome had found neither in Hebrew nor in Greek, but only in an archaic Latin version. In the Gutenberg Bible, as in hundreds of preceding manuscript Vulgate Bibles, Jerome’s explanations are written continuously with the Esther text itself, as if they are Biblical verses, and not extra-Biblical. Ideally, a learned rubricator would search these out and mark them in red to separate them from the text of Esther proper, but this happened only rarely, most notably by the rubricator of the vellum copy of the Gutenberg Bible at Göttingen University Library.
These leaves contain also the end of Judith (14:12-16:31), the prologue of St. Jerome to Esther, and the beginning of the first prologue of Jerome to Job.
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