Lot 1056
  • 1056

White, Alexander

Estimate
2,500 - 3,500 USD
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Description

  • paper
Autograph letter signed ("Alexd White"), 6 1/2 pages (12 3/4 x 8 in.; 324 x 203 mm), Winchester, Virginia, 27 June 1776, to General [Charles] Lee, docketed on last page "From the Hon. AWhite So[licito]r of Gen: Lee" and marked "copied"; formerly folded, somewhat browned, a few stains, seal tear affecting two words. Light blue half-morocco clamshell box.

Literature

Lee Papers (New York Historical Society, Collections, 1872, vol. 5) II, 87

Condition

formerly folded, somewhat browned, a few stains, seal tear affecting two words.
In response to your inquiry, we are pleased to provide you with a general report of the condition of the property described above. Since we are not professional conservators or restorers, we urge you to consult with a restorer or conservator of your choice who will be better able to provide a detailed, professional report. Prospective buyers should inspect each lot to satisfy themselves as to condition and must understand that any statement made by Sotheby's is merely a subjective qualified opinion.
NOTWITHSTANDING THIS REPORT OR ANY DISCUSSIONS CONCERNING CONDITION OF A LOT, ALL LOTS ARE OFFERED AND SOLD "AS IS" IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE CONDITIONS OF SALE PRINTED IN THE CATALOGUE.

Catalogue Note

An anxious Virginian doubts that Americans are ready for republican government, a fine, lengthy  and prophetic letter, anticipating many of the issues that arose in the Constitutional Convention.

Alexander White (c. 1738-1804) was a successful Virginia lawyer (trained in England) who practiced during and after the Revolution. He was a member of the Virginia legislature 1782-1786, and a delegate to the first and second congresses. The letter was written to his client General Charles Lee, commander of the Continental Army in the Southern Department, in Charleston, South Carolina.

After reporting on the progress of current legal matters he has handled for Lee, he has prepared some "crude thoughts" on the "important subject of Independence of N[orth] A[merica]": "From the Commencement of the present unhappy Dispute I considered the shedding of blood (if that event should take place) as the Era at which would terminate the British Empire in America or the Colonies be subjugated to the absolute Domination of Parliament, and when hostilities commenced my mind was only agitated with the means of defending ourselves and forming a Constitution which would secure substantial Liberty to the People; But when I found the Congress entertained different views, that they had again petitioned the King for reconciliation ... it gave a different turn to my thoughts ... The hope of a Re-Union with our Brethern of G. Britain ... I confess, had something agreeable in it. ... At any rate more practicable than the establishing an Independent State; for the following among other reasons, That the people of America were determinedly united in support of that Measure [to reconcile]; that every Insult and Injury from Administration only tended to animate and cement. That the greatest Trading Cities and most respectable Characters in England are our Friends; that even our Enemies in Parliament dare not stand the attack on the proper ground, but in order to carry their point, have always insisted we were aiming at Independency. ... And though I am of the opinion, the Governing Powers of Britain would rather lose the Colonies totally, than yield one Iota of their pretensions, the People will think very differently when convinced our Views extend no further than to the Security of those Rights which they themselves hold essential to Liberty ..."

White does not believe that the British Army would fight if they understood: "That the sword would even drop from the hand of a British Soldier, if he believed it pointed against the Breast of a man contending for his Birth Right." To fight for independence would unite England against the colonies, "Besides, it appears to be in the Interest of Europe that America should remain dependant. The Power and Importance of England (which by a defection of the Colonies she would lose) is necessary in the European System. ... On what terms can our differences be adjusted which will secure us from future contests? I answer it is impossible. The Nature of Human Affairs is such that no political system can be established which the folly of Weak or Ambition of wicked men will not in time subvert."

If Britain would relinquish her claim of "internal legislation and taxation," if she stated times and durations of Assemblies, and appointed judges with adequate salaries, such a "plan of accomodation I think, offers as fair for the permanent Security of Peace Wealth and Liberty as any I have heard or can devise for the Government of America in an Independent State. I take it for granted ... that a Popular or Democratic Government must take place, which in its most perfect State, I think much inferior to the mixed Government of Britain ... It appears from History that popular fury is as formidable, and often exercised with as much injustice as Royal Indignation — Frequent Elections is no security in this Case. ... Neither is it possible in such a Constitution to render the Judicial Powers totally independent. The same Body of Men who have the appointment of the Judges, having also the power of removing them, will carry popular prejudice even to the Seats of Justice.

"But is America capable of receiving a Democratic Government? Have we that Industry, Frugality, Economy, that Virtue which is necessary to constitute it? Laws and Constitutions must be adapted to the Manners of the People; they do not, they cannot form them ... Is not N. America too extensive for a popular Government? But I find the Spirit of the times is against a Union; We must then become a Confederacy of Republicks, each having Supreme Powers within itself. ... I am one of those who have ever wished and gloried in the Honour and Prosperity of the British Empire but if a Seperation takes place, Interest, Inclination — every consideration will induce me to take part with my Native Land, and my best endeavours shall not be wanting to render Americans a free and happy people ... The Arguments of Pamphleteers and News Paper Scriblers on both sides of the Question have been so absurd, fallacious or at best superficial that very little instruction or pleasure could be derived from reading them. Heartily wishing you success in every Patriotic Exertion of your Abilities ..."