This masterfully cast bronze vessel is not only remarkable for its powerful presence, but also for its extremely important documentary inscription. The nineteen-character inscription records that during the period of King Zhao of the Western Zhou dynasty (c. 1046-771 BC), Yi Yu, the owner of this bronze, followed the king to conquer the south by mounting a military campaign against the Chujing 楚荊 clan. Yi Yu was rewarded for his military success and used his new wealth to make this precious vessel for his father Wu 戊. The last pictogram from the inscription indicates that Yi Yu belonged to the Wu 吳 clan. The military expedition initiated by King Zhao to the south was a major event in the Western Zhou period. The event marked a critical turning point in the fate of the Zhou dynasty, from a flourishing empire to one of gradual decline.

King Zhao's military expedition to the south has been widely documented in Chinese classical literature, including Shiji (Records of the Grand Historian) and Zhushu jinian (Bamboo Annals). The more direct records, however, come from the inscriptions of a small group of highly important archaic bronzes. In addition to the present gui, the group includes some world-famous bronzes, such as 'The Six Vessels of Anzhou 安州六器', a set of bronzes discovered in Xiaogan, Hubei province during the Northern Song dynasty (960-1127), recorded in one of China's first systematic catalogues of bronze and stone inscriptions, Jinshilu (Catalogue of archaic bronzes) by the Northern Song scholar, Zhao Mingcheng (vol. 13, Northern Song dynasty, Yayutang edition, Qianlong 27th year (1762), pp 1-2); the Shi Qiang Pan 史牆盤, a national treasure of China, discovered in 1976 in Shaanxi, now in the Zhouyuan Museum, Baoji, published in Zhang Tianen, Shaanxi jinwen jicheng [Compendium of bronze inscriptions from Shaanxi], vol. 2, Xi'an, 2016, no. 0167; and the Lai Pan 逨盤, a masterwork with an extraordinarily long inscription, excavated in 2003 in Shaanxi, currently preserved in the Baoji Bronze Ware Museum, Baoji, published in ibid., vol. 6, no. 0668.

King Zhao (fig. 1), as the fourth king of Zhou, inherited a prosperous empire from his predecessors. His great grandfather, King Wu (fig. 2), conquered the Shang after the epic battle of Muye and founded the Zhou dynasty. Learning from his predecessor, who was weakened by prolonged conflicts with the Dongyi 東夷, hostile tribes to the east, King Wu's primary objective upon establishing the Zhou empire was to solidify the eastern border by launching attacks on the Dongyi. His son and successor King Cheng (fig. 3) followed in his footsteps. Together with his loyal regent and mentor, the Duke of Zhou 周公, King Cheng expanded the border into the east by conquering the tribes of Dongyi. During the period of the third King Kang (fig. 4), another major campaign was launched against the Dongyi, which concluded with the grand victory of the Zhou empire. In addition to the successes on the eastern front, King Kang also launched military actions to stabilize the northern and the western borders of the Zhou territory (see Yang Kuan, 2003, pp 549-555).

With the northern, eastern and western frontiers already secured upon ascending the throne, King Zhao turned his focus to the south. He initiated two military campaigns to the south, one on the 15th year of his reign, against the Chujing, and the other on the 17th year, against the Hufang 虎方, in combination with a southern inspection tour, which ultimately led to his tragic death.

The stability of the south had always been a strategic focus of the Zhou rulers. Not long after the founding of the Zhou, a number of hou 侯 (marquis) were conferred by the Zhou kings at the southern border. These marquises were military officials in charge of guarding and expanding Zhou land in the south (see Zhu Fenghan, 2013, p. 10). The metal-rich lands of the south were another reason for King Zhao's investment in this region (see Yang Kuan, 2003, p. 637). As indicated by bronze inscriptions, many of the personnel who participated in King Zhao's military campaigns were rewarded with materials which were then used to cast bronze vessels, including the owner of the present lot. Zhao Yanjiao and Wu Weihua further suggest that one of the important factors contributing to the development of the Zhou bronze style is the abundant supply of bronze material resulting from King Zhao's southern expeditions (2018, p. 58).

At the beginning of the Western Zhou dynasty, Chujing, or Chu, was one of the clans in the south of the empire. According to Shiji: Chushijia (Records of the Grand Historian: the family history of Chu), King Cheng of Zhou conferred Xiong Yi 熊繹 at Chu, with the clan name Mi 羋. He was given a hereditary title and land to live in Danyang 丹陽, which some scholars believe to be near today's Zigui county, Hubei province (see Yang Kuan, 2003, pp 629-630). The Chu clan started as a humble subordinate to the Zhou court. The ancient Chinese literature Guoyu: Jinyu (Discourses of the States: Discourses of Jin) records that King Cheng of Zhou called for an important meeting at Qiyang with leaders of his vassal states and the neighboring clans. Xiong Yi was assigned to prepare the seats for the leaders. During the meeting, he was positioned to guard the fire at the meeting place. The Chujing people were considered by the Zhou as barbarians from the south and were not respected by the noble classes in the north. Therefore, Yang Kuan concludes that the Chujing's loyalty to the Zhou court was only temporary and never strong (2003, pp 632-633).

By the reign of King Zhao, the submission of Chujing to the Western Zhou court came to an end. The inscription of the Guo Bo Gui 過伯簋, which was included by Wang Qi in a list of bronzes pertaining to the two military campaigns of King Zhao, affirms the Chujing's betrayal (see Wang Qi, 2016, p. 43). This had provoked the king's first military action to the south. Zhushu jinian records 'On the 16th year, the king mounted a military campaign against the Chujing'. Li Xueqin has been able to produce a timeline of the campaign by reconstructing its progress through the inscriptions of related bronzes. Li established that the campaign began on the 9th month of the 15th year of King Zhao and ended by the 8th month of the 16th year (2006, pp 130-131). Based on the studies by Li Xueqin (2006, p. 130), Zhao Yanjiao and Wu Weihua (2018, p. 51) on several locations recorded in the related bronze inscriptions, it is possible to outline an approximate route taken by the king's army which started at Chengzhou (today's Luoyang) (fig. 5).

Yi Yu, the owner of the present bronze, was among the very few recorded individuals who participated in King Zhao's conquest of the Chujing. While little is known about Yi Yu's identity, he was undoubtedly an important military official who served under the king and contributed in the attack against the enemy. As a result, he was rewarded and subsequently ordered the present bronze to honor his father. In addition to this gui, a bronze gong cover is recorded to have been commissioned by him. The cover was excavated in 1966 from a Western Zhou hoard in Famen town, Fufeng county, Shaanxi province, now in the Fufeng County Museum, Baoji, published in Zhang Tianen, op. cit., vol. 3, no. 287. Zhao Pingan (2001, p. 80) interprets the inscription (fig. 6) as a record of Yi Yu's successful completion of an assignment to purchase horses and cast this bronze to commemorate his father. It is possible that his assignment was ordered by King Zhao in preparation for his military expedition.

Shortly after his first success in the south, King Zhao initiated a more ambitious second campaign from the Zhou capital, Zongzhou (today's Xi'an). Little did he know that this was a one-way journey to a dramatic ending of his life, which was to "have lasting and far-reaching repercussions" to the future of his empire, as stated by Edward Shaughnessy (1999, p. 322).

According to the timeline constructed by Wang Qi (2016, pp 50-51), on the 17th year of King Zhao, the king ordered his general Nan Gong to conquer the Hufang, a hostile tribe in the south that had betrayed the Zhou empire. Some scholars believe that Hufang was located near the Han River (see Zhang Maorong, 1992, p. 21 and Yang Kuan, 2003, p. 556). In the same year, the king started to plan a grand inspection tour to the south. He first sent his generals to the south to prepare his temporary palaces. Officials were also dispatched to inspect and inform the vassal states along the travel route to ensure the safety of the king. By the 18th year, King Zhao began his trip from Chengzhou to the south. The king's inspection tour was successful, but the unexpected happened on the return journey. In the 19th year, while crossing the Han River, King Zhao and his soldiers tragically fell into the river and drowned. This catastrophic event was described in Zhushu jinian as "The heaven was obscured; the pheasants and hares were shaken. The Six Armies were lost in the Han River'' and "The light of five colors penetrated the Ziwei star at night. This year, the king never returned".

Li Xueqin studied the Chinese classical text Shuijingzhu (Commentary on the Water Classic) and suggested that the location where the king crossed the Han River and died was Mian 沔 (later called Simian (the deadly Mian) 死沔, because of Zhao's tragedy), which should be in today's Tianmen, Hubei province (2016, p. 352) (fig. 5). The cause of drowning is still a mystery today. Lüshi chunqiu (Master Lü's Spring and Autumn Annals) records that when the king was crossing the Han River, the bridge collapsed. He fell into the water and drowned. His personal guard Xin Yu Mi carried his body to shore. Diwang shiji (The Ages of the Kings), however, provides a different story: it records that the king was tricked by a boat master to traverse the river on a boat held together with glue. The boat dissolved in the middle of the Han River, drowning the king (see Liu Litang, 2000, p. 69). Yang Kuan suspects that the king and his army actually encountered a sudden attack from the Chu people, which destroyed their travel bridge, causing the drowning of the king. The Six Armies were also vanquished in this attack (2003, pp 557-558).

The Chu were accused of the death of King Zhao. Zuozhuan : Xigong sinian (The Commentary of Zuo : 4th year of Duke Xi) includes a famous conversation between Guan Zhong, a renowned politician of the Qi State during the Spring and Autumn period, and a messenger of the Chu. Guan Zhong questioned the messenger about King Zhao's death during his southern expedition. The messenger, however, retorted that Guan Zhong should be asking the rivers instead. Regardless of whether the Chu were responsible for the death of King Zhao, the event was devastating for the Western Zhou empire. The Six Armies that were lost in the Han River were the main military force of the Zhou and were estimated to be around 75,000 soldiers (see Liu Litang, 2000, p. 69). As Edward Shaughnessy notes, "the Zhou state never really recovered from this loss" (1999, p. 323).

The weakening of the Zhou provided a welcome opportunity for the Chu to grow in power. Li Yushao states that after the reign of King Zhao, there were no bronze inscriptions recording any further confrontations between the Zhou and the Chu, and it was not until more than a century later, during the reign of King Xuan, that another military campaign was launched against the Chu (2011, p. 285). By the time of King Yi, the Chu, under the leadership of an enlightened ruler, Xiong Qu 熊渠, had grown into a powerful state. Shiji: Chushijia records that Xiong Qu received support from the people of the Jianghan regions. He conquered the lands of Yong 庸 and Yangyue 揚越 and reached E 鄂, and he granted his three sons lands to be kings. The fall of the Western Zhou in 771 BC gave an even greater opportunity for the Chu to shine in the history of China. During the Eastern Zhou dynasty, the Chu state developed into a superpower. The famous King Zhuang of Chu was one of the Five Hegemons during the Spring and Autumn period, and the Chu state was regarded as one of the Seven Powerful Kingdoms during the Warring States period.

Literature

Liu Litang, 'Guanyu zhou zhaowang nanzheng jianghan diqu youguan wenti de tantao [Discussion on King Zhao's expedition to the Jianghan region]', Jianghan kaogu / Jianghan archaeology, no. 3, Wuhan, 2000.

Li Xueqin, 'Jimei bowuguan suocang ling gui de niandai [Dating of the Ling Gui in the Guimet Museum]', Faguo hanxue [French Sinology], no. 11, Beijing, 2006.

Li Xueqin, 'Lun wei yan ming ji zhou zhaowang nanzheng [A discussion on the inscription of Wei Yan and King Zhao's south expedition]', Xinchu qingtongqi yanjiu [Studies of recently excavated bronzes], Beijing, 2016.

Li Yushao, 'Xinchu tongqi mingwen suojian zhaowang nanzheng [A study of King Zhao's south expedition based on the recently discovered bronzes]', Xinchu jinwen yu xizhou lishi [Recently discovered bronze inscriptions and the history of Western Zhou], Shanghai, 2011.

Michael Loewe & Edward L . Shaughnessy, eds, The Cambridge History of Ancient China. From the Origins of Civilisation to 221 B.C., Cambridge, 1999.

Wang Qi, 'Xizhou zaoqi nanzheng qingtongqiqun ji xiangguan shishi kaocha [A survey of the bronze group relating to the south expeditions from the early Western Zhou and the related history]', Chutu wenxian / Excavated Documents, no. 2, Shanghai, 2016.

Yang Kuan, Xizhoushi [The history of Western Zhou], Shanghai, 2003.

Zhang Maorong, 'Lufang Hufang kao [The study of Lufang and Hufang]', Wenbo / Relics and Museology, no. 2, Xi'an, 1992.

Zhao Pingan, 'Shi guwenzi ziliao zhong de "yu" ji xiangguan zhuzi [Interpreting "yu" from the ancient Chinese and the related characters]', Zhongguo wenzi yanjiu / The Study of Chinese Characters, Shanghai, 2001.

Zhao Yanjiao and Wu Weihua, 'Jinwen suojian zhaowang nanzheng luxiankao / Examination of the Route of the Southern Emperor', Zhongguo lishi dili luncong / Journal of Chinese Historical Geography, vol. 33, no. 2, Xi'an, April 2018.

Zhu Fenghan, 'Lun xizhou shiqi de "nanguo" / On the "Southern States" in the Western Zhou period', Lishi yanjiu / Historical Research, no. 4, Beijing, 2013.

此簋精工巧鑄，成器雄秀，更銘文載史，流傳千古。簋內底鑄銘十九字，記載西周昭王時期器主𤞷馭隨王南征，攻打楚荊獲賞，鑄彝以榮其父戊。依銘文最末一字，可知𤞷馭族屬於吳。昭王南征乃西周重要軍事大事件，歷史意義卓巨，標誌了西周王朝由強盛逐漸轉向衰落的重要轉折，故此簋及其銘文的歷史價值不可估量。

昭王南征作為西周史上重要事件，《史記》、《竹書紀年》等史籍均有記載。與這些後世文獻相比，青銅器銘文則可為今人提供最為直觀的歷史資料。存世記昭王南征青銅器組，除此簋之外，不乏金石界的一些知名重器，如「安州六器」，北宋時期自湖北省孝感縣出土後由宋代名儒趙明誠錄入中國首部金石學系統專著之一《金石錄》（卷第十三，北宋，雅雨堂刊本，乾隆二十七年（1762年），圖版1-2）；再如史牆盤，國之重寶，1976年陝西省出土，現藏寶雞周原博物館，見張天恩，《陝西金文集成》，卷2，西安，2016年，編號0167；又如逨盤，國寶重器，鑄長銘，史學價值極高，2003年陝西省出土，現存寶雞青銅器博物院，見前述出處，卷六，編號0668。

昭王（圖一）乃周朝第四代天子，繼先王偉績，其曾祖周武王（圖二），發牧野之戰，伐紂滅商，建立周朝；因商王與東夷纏鬥，致殷商兵力羸弱，有鑑於此，武王建朝之初便揮師東夷，以安東境。周成王（圖三）承襲父業，命攝政賢臣周公旦東征降夷。至周康王（圖四），東夷平定，西、北二境亦得安攘，周朝乃開盛世（見楊寬，2003年，頁549-555）。

東、西、北方既已無虞，昭王繼位後便將戰略重心集中在南方。昭王兩次南征，第一次於十五年征伐楚荊，第二次於十七年攻伐虎方並行南巡，然卻南巡不返，以悲劇告終。

昭王南征，旨在鞏固。歷代周天子視南境安穩為戰略要務，建朝之初，已在南境分地封侯；諸侯分擔軍事，戍邊擴疆（見朱鳳瀚，2013年，頁10）。南地多產稀貴金屬，此為昭王南征另一用意（見楊寬，2003年，頁637）。通過青銅銘文可知，昭王賞賚軍功，多賜青銅以資鑄器，恰如此簋。趙燕姣及吳偉華研究另述，昭王南征保證了銅錫資源供給，為周代青銅器風格發展提供了可能（2018年，頁58）。

楚荊又名楚，系西周南部氏族。《史記・楚世家》有載，周成王封楚人熊繹於丹陽，賜姓羋；有學者稱，丹陽近今湖北省秭歸縣（見楊寬，2003年，頁629-630）。周初，楚歸附於周室，然地位不高。據《國語・晉語》所載，「昔成王盟諸侯于岐陽」，熊繹只得「置茅蕝，設望表」並「與鮮牟守燎」，周朝更視「楚為荊蠻……故不與盟」。依此，如楊寬所述，楚荊對周室之忠既不長久也非竭誠（2003年，頁632-633）。

至昭王治國，楚荊已不順周室。王祁梳理昭王南征青銅器群，其中，過伯簋銘即記有「王伐反荊」之語（見王祁，2016年，頁43）。楚荊叛亂，昭王初次南征。《竹書紀年》載，「周昭王十六年，伐楚荊」；李學勤考究相關青銅銘文，還原始末，得出南征排譜，推算是次南征始於周昭王十五年九月，終於十六年八月（2006年，頁130-131）。結合李學勤（2006年，頁130）、趙燕姣及吳偉華（2018年，頁51）就相關青銅銘文所含地點之論述，可推知王師兵起成周（今洛陽）討伐楚荊之路線（圖五）。

隨昭王伐楚之將帥鮮有記載，鑄此簋者𤞷馭則為其一。𤞷馭生平不詳，然無疑是昭王麾下重要將領，奮戰挫敵，因戰功卓絕，𤞷馭獲賞，乃鑄此簋以敬先父。除此簋外，另有𤞷馭觥蓋見載，該觥蓋1966年陝西省扶風縣法門鎮西周遺址出土，現藏寶雞市扶風縣博物館，錄張天恩，前述出處，卷3，編號287。其銘文（圖六）經趙平安釋（2001年，頁80），述𤞷馭採買戰馬不辱使命，後鑄此器以敬其父。此採買之舉可能為昭王授命，以備戰事。

首次南征不久，昭王由宗周（今西安）二度起兵南征，然此行最終以昭王不復而結束，實始料未及，並如夏含夷所述，昭王殞命對周朝國運影響極大（1999年，頁322）。

按王祁所列排譜（2016年，頁50-51），昭王十七年，王命將軍南宮討伐虎方；虎方亦為南方部落，違叛周室，經學者考究，虎方應毗鄰漢水（見張懋鎔，1992年，頁21，及楊寬，2003）年，頁556）。同年，昭王同時籌謀南巡，先遣將官赴南地備行宮，又派官員去往南巡沿路各封地傳達王命，兼作視察，以保天子周全。十八年，昭王自成周起駕，南巡一路順遂，然歸程遭變；十九年，渡漢水，昭王全軍落江，六師喪，王罹難。《竹書紀年》曰：「天大曀，雉兔皆震，喪六師於漢」，又記「夜有五色光貫紫微。其年，王南巡不返」。

李學勤考《水經註》，論述昭王渡漢水溺亡之處應在沔 (後因昭王之死稱死沔) ，即今湖北境內天門東南（2016年，頁352）（圖五）。昭王因何落水至今成謎。《呂氏春秋》言昭王涉漢時，因橋崩而落入漢水，辛餘靡背負昭王屍身上到北岸；《帝王世紀》所述則截然不同，稱昭王為船夫所誘，登上膠船，船至中流，膠液溶解，船身崩損，故而落水（見劉禮堂，2000年，頁69）。楊寬認為昭王的軍隊當時應是遭到了楚人突然襲擊，導致浮橋敗壞，昭王及隨從大臣落水而亡，其所率六師亦遇襲而慘敗（2003，頁557-558）。

昭王之死使楚人飽受質疑。《左傳・僖公四年》載，春秋時期齊國政治家管仲與楚國來使交談，管仲即以昭王南征不復詰問楚使，楚使反駁管仲當「問諸水濱」。不論昭王之死是否與楚相干，南征慘痛收場，周朝氣數隨之大減。漢水所喪六師乃周室主要兵力，約七萬五千人（見劉禮堂，2000年，頁69）。正如夏含夷所言，此役之後周王朝元氣從未得到真正意義上的恢復（1999年，頁323）。

另一方面，周朝式微，楚順勢崛起。李裕杓稱，昭王殞後，再無出土西周青銅器銘記周楚之爭，而周王朝再次與楚發生戰爭已是一個多世紀以後的宣王時期（2011年，頁285）。至周夷王時，楚君熊渠治國賢明，楚日漸強盛。據《史記・楚世家》載，熊渠甚得江漢支持，伐庸、揚越，至於鄂，分封三子各為王。公元前771年，西周傾覆，更為楚在中國歷史舞台脫穎而出提供了機會。至東周楚國已成強國，楚莊王為春秋五霸之一，戰國時期，楚國更位七雄之列，稱霸一方。

參考書籍

劉禮堂，〈關於周昭王南征江漢地區有關問題的探討〉，《江漢考古》，期3，武漢，2000年

李學勤，〈基美博物館所藏令簋的年代〉，《法國漢學》，輯11，北京，2006年

李學勤，〈論韋攴甗銘及周昭王南征〉，《新出青銅器研究》，北京，2016年

李裕杓，〈西周銅器銘文所見昭王南征〉，《新出金文與西周歷史》，上海，2011年

魯惟一及夏含夷編，《劍橋中國上古史：從文明的起源到公元前221 年》，劍橋，1999 年

王祁，〈西周早期南征青銅器群及相關史實考察〉，《出土文獻》，期2，上海，2016年

楊寬，《西周史》，上海，2003年

張懋鎔，〈盧方·虎方考〉，《文博》，期2，西安，1992年

趙平安，〈釋古文字中的□及相關諸字〉，《中國文字研究》，上海，2001年

趙燕姣及吳偉華，〈金文所見昭王南征路線考〉，《中國歷史地理論叢》，卷33，號2，西安，2018年4月

朱鳳瀚，〈論西周時期的“南國”〉，《歷史研究》，期4，北京，2013年