Alexander Hamilton

4 pages on a bifolium (12 5/8 x 7 5/8 in.; 320 x 198 mm), [Albany, April–June 1782], with numerous autograph deletions (a few of which are indicated below) and revisions, first page marked at top by an early editor, probably John C. Hamilton, “125,” “Copied,” and “Probably addressed to the Viscount de Noailles, who served in the French army in the U. States. Written probably in the winter after the capture of Cornwallis—or in the year 1782”; reinforced at central fold, fore-edge corners restored costing 5 words, a few other marginal repairs, a few stains.

The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, ed. Syrett, 3:83–86 (text taken from earlier publications and the autograph letter signed at Papiers de Noailles, Archives Nationales, Paris, with numerous differences in wording, punctuation, and paragraphing)

4 pages on a bifolium (12 5/8 x 7 5/8 in.; 320 x 198 mm), [Albany, April–June 1782], with numerous autograph deletions (a few of which are indicated below) and revisions, first page marked at top by an early editor, probably John C. Hamilton, "125," "Copied," and "Probably addressed to the Viscount de Noailles, who served in the French army in the U. States. Written probably in the winter after the capture of Cornwallis—or in the year 1782" reinforced at central fold, fore-edge corners restored costing 5 words, a few other marginal repairs, a few stains.
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“The enemy continues in possession of Charles Town and Savannah, and leaves us master of the rest of the country . … if the war continues another year, it will be necessary that congress should again recur to the generosity of France for pecuniary assistance.”

A remarkable letter written during the uncertain period between Cornwallis’s surrender at Yorktown and the signing of the Treaty of Paris when the sovereignty of the United States hung in the balance. Writing to a French comrade who had served with distinction under Lafayette at Yorktown, Hamilton touches on a variety of topics, including the next potential military campaign of the Revolution, America’s continuing dependence on France, and Robert Morris’s management—as Superintendent of Finance—of the fledgling economy of the United States, which was to inform Hamilton’s own tenure as Secretary of the Treasury. This draft begins with two paragraphs deleted, not by a nineteenth-century editor, but, judging by the recipient’s copy, by the author: “I received my dear Viscount after an inexplicable delay the letter which you were so obliging as to write me before your departure from Boston; and with that pleasure which is always inspired by the attentions of friends we value when not being necessitated by the forms of ceremony, they appear to show from the heart. Allow me to cherish the opinion that your letter is of this kind.

“Your reputation before I saw you and the impressions of my earliest acquaintance with you marked you out to me as a person who by his talents and acquirements had a right to my esteem; a more thorough knowledge of your character has not only increased this sentiment by additional motives ——“ Perhaps sensing that he has begun on too personal and, characteristically, too passionate a tone, Hamilton begins anew:

“Esteem for your talents and acquirements is a sentiment which from my earliest acquaintance with you, my dear viscount, I have shared in common with all those who have the happiness of knowing you; but a better knowledge of your character has given it in my eyes a more intrinsic merit, and has attached me to you by a friendship founded upon qualities as rare as they are estimable. Averse as I am to profession I cannot forbear indulging this declaration to express to you the pleasure I felt at receiving (after an inexplicable delay) the letter you were so obliging as to write me before your departure from Boston. It was of that kind which is always produced by those attentions of friends we value, which not being invited by circumstances nor necessitated by the forms of society, bespeak the warmth of the heart. At least, my partiality for you makes me fond of viewing it in this light and I cherish the opinion.

“I was chagrined to find that you left us with an intention not to return; though I should be happy if by a removal of the war this country should cease to be a proper theatre for your exertions, yet if it continues to be so, I hope you will find sufficient motives to change your resolution. [Wherever] you are, you will be useful and distinguished [; but the] ardent desire I have of meeting you again makes me wish America may be your destination. I would willingly do it in France, as you invite me to do; but the prospect of this is remote. I must make a more solid establishment [“in this country” ruled through] here before I can conveniently go abroad. There is no country I have a greater curiosity to see, or which I am persuaded would be so interesting to me, as yours; I should be happy to renew and improve the valuable acquaintances from thence which this war has given me an opportunity of making, and though I would not flatter myself with deriving any advantage from it, I am persuaded it is there I should meet with the greatest number of those you describe, who, &c. but considerations of primary importance will oblige me to submit to the mortification of deferring my visit.”

Thanking de Noailles for the invitation to beginning a correspondence (just five letters on either side are recorded), Hamilton turns to the current military situation in the United States. “The period since you left us has been too barren of events to enable me to impart any thing worth attention [“to you” ruled through]. The enemy continues in possession of Charles Town and Savannah, and leaves us master of the rest of the country. General [Nathanael] Greene has detached [Anthony] Wayne to Georgia but I believe his views do not extend beyond the mere possession of the country [while not in any way deleted from the draft this sentence does not appear in Syrett’s transcription and, so, was presumably eliminated from the sent version]. It is said the assemblies of the two invaded states are about meeting to restore the administration of government. This will be a step to strengthening the hands of General Greene and counteracting the future intrigues of the enemy [“in that quarter” ruled through]. Many are sanguine in believing that all the southern posts will be evacuated and that a fleet of transports is actually gone to bring the garrisons away; for my part, I have doubts upon the subject; my politics [are,] that while the present ministry can maintain their seats and procure supplies they will prosecute the war on the mere chance of events; and that while this is the plan, they will not evacuate posts so essential as points of departure, from whence, on any favourable turn of affairs, to renew their attack on our most vulnerable side; nor would they relinquish objects that would be so useful to them, should the worst happen in a final negotiation. [British commander-in chief Sir Henry] Clinton, it is said, is cutting a canal across New-York island, through the low ground about a mile and a half from the city. This will be an additional obstacle; but if we have otherwise the necessary means to operate it will not be an insurmountable one.”

Major General William Heath, from whose 4 March 1781 report Hamilton perhaps learned of Clinton’s planned canal, viewed the scheme as “the enemy at New York were now contemplating means for their own defence against the next campaign, and it was determined to open a canal and strong lines from the Hudson to the East River, at some distance from the city. The canal was to be deep and wide; 2000 men were employed on the works on one day. … These preparations were a defensive shield for the time of approaching negotiation, for, from the debates and speeches in the British Parliament, the olive-branch was evidently putting forth its buds” (Memoirs of Major General William Heath, ed. William Abbatt, p. 305). Hamilton continues, “I do not hear that he is constructing any other new works of consequence. To you who are so thoroughly acquainted with the military posture of things in this country, I need not say that the activity of the next campaign must absolutely depend on effectual succours from France [“but I cannot help fearing that they may not come. … I hope I may be mistaken in this conjecture” ruled through]. I am convinced we shall have a powerful advocate in you. Lafayette, we know, will bring the whole house with him if he can.”

Of particular note, Hamilton then describes at length the efforts of Robert Morris to deal with the new nation’s debt and establish it on a solid financial footing, including the difficulty of getting all of the states to agree to grant to the government of the Confederation the authority to levy an impost on all imports: “There has been no material change in our internal situation since you left us. The capital successes we have had, have served rather to increase the hopes than the exertions of the particular states. But in one respect we are in a mending way. Our financier [that is, Robert Morris] has hitherto conducted himself with great ability, has acquired an entire personal confidence, revived in some measure the public credit, and is conciliating fast the support of the monied men. His operations have hitherto hinged chiefly on the [“late generous and indispensable” ruled through] seasonable aids from your country; but he is urging the establishment of permanent funds among ourselves; and though from the nature and temper of our governments his applications will meet with a dilatory compliance, it is to be hoped they will by degrees succeed. The institution of a bank has been very serviceable to him. The commercial interest, finding great advantages in it and anticipating much greater is disposed to promote the plan, and nothing but moderate funds permanently pledged for the security of lenders is wanting to make it an engine of the most extensive and solid utility. —By the last advices, there is reason to believe the delinquent states will shortly comply with the requisition of congress for a duty on our imports. This will be a great resource to Mr. Morris, but it will not alone be sufficient.” In fact, while this congressional proposal was introduced on 3 February 1781, by the beginning of the summer of 1782, Maryland, Georgia, and Rhode Island had still not given their consent.

As much and well as Morris was doing, however, Hamitlon noted in conclusion that if hostilities with Great Britain recommenced, the United States would again have to rely on her French ally for aid. “Upon the whole, however, if the war continues another year, it will be necessary that congress should again recur to the generosity of France for pecuniary assistance. The plans of the Financier cannot be so matured as to enable us by any possibility to dispense with this; and if he should fail for want of support we must replunge into that confusion and distress which had like to have proved fatal to us, and out of which we are slowly emerging. The cure on a relapse would be infinitely more difficult than ever.

“I have given you an uninteresting but a faithful sketch of our situation. You may expect from time to time to receive from me the progress of our affairs, and I know you will overpay me.”

At the beginning of the French Revolution, the Vicomte de Noailles returned to America and became a partner in the Bank of North America. He returned to French military service during the Haitian Revolution and died, 1804, of wounds received in a naval encounter with the British.